This work deals with the concept of theatricality in media and with the usage of media content in theatre. The task is to find out the possibilities of journalism by means of theatre work and at the same time to describe the representation of theatricality in media. The methodology was made on the basis of the combination of semiotic and content analysis. The work also introduces the knowledge of theatre studies in the environment of media studies. The theatre is used as an example when during the reproduction of the communication all the participants know the fact that it is an interpretation. Similar approach is used for media contents. Also the terms actor's character and dramatic character helped to distinguish the real persons represented in media from their media image. The audience often does not realize this difference and accept the offered interpretation from the media and media image of the public life persons as a part of their understanding of public affairs. Dramatic situations are made up in the news service and the goal is to attract attention of viewers and readers. The composition of such situations produced by media is similar to the ones in dramatic art.

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The diploma thesis on the "Media representation of forming of local policy (on the example of the financing of the Prague theatres)" suggests that mass media contribute to the forming of local policy by selective reporting of the politics. This fact is illustrated on the example of forming grant policy of the capital city of Prague. The analysed media are the daily papers MF Dnes, Lidové noviny, Právo and the televisions TV Nova and Česká televize in 2007 and 2008. The theoretical part of the diploma thesis introduces the relation between mass media and reality, the effects of media and the factors influencing forming of the news content. The political communication is discussed; this phenomenon is introduced together with the personalisation of politics and the mediatisation. Furthermore the paper deals with the agenda- setting theory and its relation to framing theory and the theory of news values. Then the development of the dispute is given, the most important moments are emphasized. The research part of the diploma thesis includes results of the quantitative content analysis. The aim of this research was to discover the media image of the dispute and to confirm or to disprove the hypothesis (i.e. the mass media were not impartial). The qualitative frame analysis shows the ways the dispute was...

The diploma thesis Analysis of the political instrumentalization of the periodic press Mladá fronta DNES in the period before elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic in 2013 examines, if leader of the political party ANO Andrej Babiš used his position of the owner of the media group MAFRA to influence media content in the periodic press Mlada fronta DNES during the period before elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic in 2013. Theoretical framework briefly describes the basic concepts of political communication and geopolitical division of the models of political communication including the Czech media scene. Focus is primarily on the development and possible ways of instrumentalization of printed media operating in the Czech media market after 1989. Results of quantitative research showed that four other political parties gained more media attention then political party ANO which ended up second in the election. The title pages of the Mlada fronta DNES therefore was not used to increase promotion of Andrej Babis and his political party. The final part of the research interprets the results of quantitative analysis regarding the possible instrumentalization in terms of political topics presented on the front pages of the...

[pt] Analiso nesta pesquisa bibliográfica a mística cristã como promotora da emancipação humana. A definição de Modernidade enquanto autonomia humana fica relacionada com ambiente supostamente fértil para gerar ateus. Esta inferência encontra óbices decisivos. A teologia política emancipadora pode até ter início na experiência mística em que ocorrem fenômenos como o êxtase e a contemplação, no entanto, ela só será completa se for promotora da práxis, ações sociais públicas situadas na história. Entre ateus e místicos o elo possível é a emancipação humana. O sentido de hermenêutica, conforme o concebe Paul Ricoeur, se constitui como importante marco metodológico e teórico. O ateísmo Moderno é descrito pelas biografias e bibliografias pontuais dos mestres da suspeita (Ludwig Feuerbach, Karl Marx, Friedrich Nietzsche e Sigmund Freud), enquanto o sentido de místico não é representado na retórica apologética, mas na expressão do testemunho, seja dos filósofos (Henri Bergson, Paul Ricoeur e Gianni Vattimo) ou de teólogos (André Torres Queiruga, Jurgen Moltmann e John Baptist Metz). As melhores definições de fé são experiências existenciais. A teologia política é teologia se é mística. O ânimo trazido pela experiência com o Espírito Santo conduz a práxis do seguimento a Jesus, em que a face de Deus é buscada e a face do próximo é encontrada. / [en] I analyze in this bibliographic research the Christian mystic as a promoter of human emancipation. The definition of Modernity as human autonomy is related to a supposedly fertile environment to generate atheists. This inference finds decisive obstacles. The emancipatory political theology may even begin in the mystical experience in which phenomena such as ecstasy and contemplation occur, however, it will only be complete if it promotes praxis, public social actions situated in history. Between atheists and mystics the possible link is the human emancipation. Hermeneutics, as Paul Ricoeur conceives it, is the methodological and theoretical framework adopted in this study. Modern atheism is described by the biographies and bibliographies of the masters of suspicion (Ludwig Feuerbach, Karl Marx, Friedrich Nietzsche and Sigmund Freud), while the meaning of mysticism is not found in the apologetic rhetoric, but in the witness expression of philosophers (Henri Bergson, Paul Ricoeur and Gianni Vattimo) and theologians (André Torres Queiruga, Jurgen Moltmann and John Baptist Metz). My findings are that the best definitions of faith are existential experiences, therefore, political theology is theology if it is mystical. The liveliness brought by experiencing the Holy Spirit leads to the praxis of following Jesus, in which the face of God is sought and the face of the neighbor is found.

Os Conselhos de fiscalização do exercício de profissionais da área da saúde são órgãos públicos, e, como tais, devem ter suas ações de comunicação orientadas pelos preceitos constitucionais, que determinam as ações de publicidade (o tornar público) pautadas pelos princípios do interesse público. O trabalho investiga, por meio dos procedimentos de análise de conteúdo de Laurence Bardin, se os propósitos constitucionais são cumpridos pelos Conselhos estudados (Conselho Regional de Medicina de São Paulo, Conselho Regional de Enfermagem de São Paulo Conselho Regional de Fisioterapia e Terapia Ocupacional da 3ª região) em suas ações e políticas de comunicação. As inferências derivadas da utilização das técnicas de Análise Categorial do Conteúdo - aplicada sobre os editoriais das publicações dos Conselhos - e da Análise da Enunciação do Conteúdo - aplicadas às entrevistas dos presidentes dos três órgãos, permitem compreender o direcionamento das ações de comunicação dos três Conselhos voltado aos interesses privados, restando parcial ou totalmente ausente as abordagens de estrito interesse público. / The Boards of health responsible for inspecting the acts of healthcare professional are public organs, and as such, should have their communication actions guided by constitutional principles, which determine the actions of publicity (making facts public) guided by the principles of public interest. The paper investigates, through the procedures of content Analysis, by Laurence Bardin, if the constitutional purpose is fulfilled by the councils studied (Regional Council of Medicine of São Paulo, Regional Nursing Council of São Paulo Regional Council of Physical Therapy and Occupational Therapy of the 3rd region) in their actions and policies of communication. The inferences derived from the use of two techniques: Categorical Content Analysis - applied over the editorials of published advice - and the Enunciation of Content Analysis - applied over the interviews with the presidents of the three organizations, allow us to understand the direction of the communication actions of the three Councils aimed to private interests, and partially or totally absent approaches to strict public interest matters.

Esta dissertação buscou analisar a cobertura do jornal Folha de S.Paulo e da revista Veja sobre o escândalo político-midiático do mensalão, no primeiro mandato do governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Ela abrange a relação entre imprensa e política, a partir da perspectiva da teoria social do escândalo político de J.B. Thompson, que mostra não só a importância dos meios de comunicação de massa, como também a sua influência crescente no processo político. Para a análise quantitativa, foram levantadas informações com base nos critérios de seleção (\"valor-notícia\"), agendamento (\"agenda setting\") e enquadramento (\"framing\") do noticiário. Para a qualitativa, adotou-se o método dos \"pacotes interpretativos\" de Gamson e Modigliani. Como forma de referenciar as conclusões, este trabalho aplicou o mesmo tipo de metodologia em um escândalo político-midiático do governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, o caso dos grampo do BNDES e dossiê Cayman, além de um período anterior e outro posterior aos episódios estudados de cada governo. Procuraram-se extrair elementos que indicassem, de forma objetiva, variações no tratamento da imprensa em relação aos dois governantes. O estudo comparado indicou que a partir do mensalão Veja aumentou consideravelmente o teor de conteúdo crítico sobre o presidente petista Lula, enquanto poupou o tucano Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Já Folha elevou sua cobertura crítica ao petista durante a crise política, mas esse comportamento guarda semelhanças com o padrão que adotou com o tucano. / This dissertation aimed to analyze the media coverage of the so-called \"mensalão\" political scandal, during the first government of the president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The research used the reports published by the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo and by the weekly magazine Veja, from May to November of 2005. This work deals with the relationship between press and politics using J.B. Thompsons social theory of political scandal, that not only shows the importance of mass media but also its growing influence in the political process. For the quantitative analysis data were gathered based on the criteria of news-value, agenda setting and framing. The method of interpretative packages, developed by Gamson and Modigliani, was adopted for the qualitative analysis. The same methodology was applied to a scandal of the president Fernando Henrique Cardoso government (the BNDES \"bug\" and the Cayman dossier) to validate those conclusions. News that preceded and followed both episodes were also used. The goal was to select objective elements that could indicate different media approaches for the two former presidents. The study showed that Veja magazine enhanced considerably its criticism at Lulas administration, while sparing Cardoso. The newspaper Folha de SP also increased its criticism during the \"mensalão\" crisis, in the same way it did during Cardosos episode.

Ce tapuscrit est une contribution à la recherche sur la communication politique concernant les sujets environnementaux en France. Nous nous focalisons dans notre étude sur le cas du « Grenelle de l’environnement » annoncé par Nicolas Sarkozy en 2007. Il nous semble intéressant de dégager deux grands axes dans cette recherche. La première concerne la stratégie de l’action publique du gouvernement, en s’interrogeant sur la méthode du Grenelle et sur les raisons qui ont abouti à l’organiser, et le second est l’axe médiatique où nous nous interrogeons sur la relation entre les deux champs médiatique et politique. Cela conduit à approfondir notre étude en cherchant les raisons pour lesquelles les journalistes se sont intéressé au GDE, et analyser la couverture médiatique du Grenelle. Pour tester nos hypothèses la recherche s’est fondée sur un certain nombre d’investigations empiriques. / This typescript contributes to research in political communication concerning environmental issues in France. We focus in our study on the case of the "Grenelle de l'environnement" announced by Nicolas Sarkozy in 2007. It seems interesting to identify two main areas in this research. The first is the strategy of the government policy, investigating the method of the Grenelle and the reasons that led to its organization and the second axis is the media and our question concerns the relationship between both media and political fields. The later leads us to deeply study the reasons why the journalists were interested in the GDE, and analyze media coverage of the Grenelle. To test our hypotheses the research was based on a number of empirical investigations.

Cette thèse de doctorat s’articule autour de cinq concepts-clés : espace public, réseaux sociaux, opinion publique, communication politique, et éthique de la discussion. Elle porte sur les configurations possibles de l’espace public dans la société chinoise, avec le développement des réseaux sociaux chinois et, par là-même, sur l’opportunité d’une éventuelle influence exercée par ceux-ci sur le système social et politique. La recherche est ainsi centrée sur l’analyse des divers stratégies des acteurs sociaux impliqués et le jeu croisé les uns avec les autres.Face aux prérogatives de l’État absolutiste et grâce aux technologies numériques d'information et de communication, un contre-discours est apparu et s’est développé sur les réseaux sociaux chinois, contestant le monopole du gouvernement sur la diffusion de l'information et le pouvoir de la parole. Ce dernier a dû depuis lors, ajuster sa stratégie de communication politique afin d’assurer sa légitimité politique, ce qui constitue également une occasion sans précédent pour les citoyens ordinaires d'exprimer leurs réclamations et revendications politiques et sociales.Cela nous amène à explorer les possibilités de l'espace public chinois à l'ère numérique. Cependant, nous avons constaté que de nombreux facteurs entravent la formation de cet espace public potentiel, y compris les facteurs politiques et les facteurs culturels spécifiques aux acteurs sociaux chinois. Notre travail de recherche met l’accent sur ces obstacles sous-jacents. / This doctoral dissertation revolves around five key concepts: public space, social networks, public opinion, political communication, and the ethics of discussion. It focuses on the possible configurations of the public space in Chinese society, with the development of Chinese social networks and, consequently, on the opportunity of a possible influence exerted by these on the social and political system. The research is thus centered on the analysis of the various strategies of the social actors involved and the interplay with each other.Faced with the prerogatives of the absolutist state, thanks to digital information and communication technologies, a counter-discourse appeared and developed on Chinese social networks, challenging the monopoly of the government on the dissemination of information and the power of speech. The latter has since had to adjust its political communication strategy to ensure its political legitimacy, which is also an unprecedented opportunity for ordinary citizens to express their claims and political demands.This leads us to explore the possibilities of Chinese public space in the digital age. However, we found that many factors hinder the formation of this potential public space, including political factors and cultural factors specific of these chinese social actors. Our research work focuses on these underlying obstacles.

Valaffischer är ett gammalt traditionellt medium för politiska partier att nå ut med sin kommunikation med. Men trots de nya tillvägagångssätten att nå ut med sin kommunikation tack vare digitaliseringen, är valaffischer fortfarande ett aktuellt medium trots att de har använts under så pass lång tid. Sverigedemokraterna är ett relativt “ungt” parti. De blirintressanta att studera då de har sina rötter i nazismen och därifrån har de snabbt vuxit till att bli Sveriges tredje största parti. Studien redovisar en analys av Sverigedemokraternas professionalisering och hur deras utveckling av valaffischer sett ut under valrörelserna 2006, 2010, 2014 och 2018. Totalt har det analyserats femton valaffischer som ingått i Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjer under de fyra senaste valrörelserna. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka vad professionaliseringen av politiken har haft för betydelse för Sverigedemokraternas visuella politiska kommunikation, i form av deras valaffischer. Därav formades frågeställningar för att svara påsyftet: “Hur har Sverigedemokraternas kommunikation genom valaffischer förändrats från2006 till 2018?” och “Hur har professionaliseringen av visuell politisk kommunikation tagit form i Sverigedemokraternas valaffischer?” Valaffischerna i denna studie utgår från en kvalitativ textanalys och med fokus på ett parti. Den kvalitativa textanalysen utgår från en semiotisk analys, där den analysmodell som använts är en sammansättning av 5 teman, 14 kategorier och 1 underkategori. Valaffischerna i studien har framförallt analyserat med hjälp av tidigare forskning av Nicklas Håkansson, Bengt Johansson och Orla Vigsø (2014), som ofta ses som referenser i samband med studier av valaffischer. Teorierna politisk kommunikation och professionalisering ligger till grunden för denna studie. Resultatet av analysen har applicerats på fyra tidsperioder i valaffischernas utveckling och slutsatsen visar på att Sverigedemokraterna har genomgått en förändring i professionaliseringen av valaffischer mellan åren 2006 och 2018, fast under kortare tid än de fyra tidsperioderna. Det är en förändring som anpassats i takt med utvecklingen i samhället, bland annat i form av den digitala utvecklingen och utvecklingen av specialistyrken inom marknadsföring och visuell kommunikation. Förändringen av Sverigedemokraternas kommunikation i valaffischer har bland att visats i att de har gått från att använda tydliga budskap och starka åsikter, till att deras budskap har blivit mer och mer abstrakt och att de inte längre behöver argumentera för sin sak. Deras åsikter har normaliserats till den grad att de inte längre behöver övertyga väljarna på samma sätt genom sina valaffischer. / Election posters are an old traditional medium for political parties to reach out with their communication. Despite the new approaches to reach out with political communication thanks to digitalization, election posters are still a relevant medium despite having been used for a long time. Sverigedemokraterna are a relatively "young" party. They became interesting for this study as they have their roots in nazism and therefrom quickly grew to become Sweden's third largest party. This study presents an analysis of Sverigedemokraterna’s professionalization of electionposters during the electoral campaigns 2006, 2010, 2014 and 2018. A total of fifteen electionposters were analyzed, all of which were included in Sverigedemokraterna’s electioncampaigns during four different electoral movements. The purpose of this study is to investigate the importance of professionalization of politics for Sverigedemokraterna’s visualpolitical communication, in form of their election posters. From this, questions at issue were formulated to answer the purpose: How has the communication through election posters from Sverigdemokraterna changed from 2006 to 2018? and How has the professionalization of visual political communication shown in Sverigedemokraternas election posters? The election posters in this study are processed on the basis of a qualitative textanalysis and with focus on one party. The qualitative textanalysis is based on a semiotic analysis, where a analysis model is used. The analysis model is a composition of 5 themes, 14 categories and 1 subcategory. The results of the study have primarily been analyzed with the help of previous research by Nicklas Håkansson, Bengt Johansson and Orla Vigsø (2014), who are often seen as references in connection with studies of election posters. The theories of political communication and professionalization form the basis of this study. The result of the analysis has been applied to a four time period in the development of the election posters and the conclusion shows that Sverigedemokraterna has gone through a change in the professionalization of election posters between 2006 and 2018, though for shorter periods than the four time periods of election posters. It is a change that has been adapted in line with developments in society, including in the form of digital development and the development of specialist professions in marketing and visual communication. The professionalization has also shown through the normalization of the party. The change inSverigedemokraterna’s communication in election posters has among other things been shown in their use of clear messages and strong opinions in their election posters to that their message has become more and more abstract and that they no longer need to argue for their cause. Their opinions have been normalized to the point that they no longer need to convince voters and other parties with their election posters.