Esta pesquisa analisa o projeto Pacto Pelo Rio Grande, fórum de discussões criado pela Assembléia Legislativa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul em 2006, com o propósito de buscar soluções consensuais para a crise financeira do Estado. Partindo da compreensão sobre a importância da visibilidade e da produção de imagem para a obtenção do apoio, do consentimento e da legitimidade da opinião pública na contemporaneidade, essa dissertação mostra como o projeto serve para configurar mecanismos de exposição de atores políticos em busca de visibilidade e produção de imagem em nome da convergência de interesses. Os objetivos foram atingidos por meio do estudo histórico-descritivo e do exame sobre as estratégias de comunicação e do discurso utilizados em três esferas distintas de visibilidade pública: a comunicação institucional (Assembléia Legislativa), a propaganda institucional (Pacto pelo Rio Grande) e a repercussão jornalística (jornal Zero Hora). / The present survey analyzes a project called 'Pacto pelo Rio Grande', a discussion forum created by the Legislative Authority of the estate of Rio Grande do Sul, in 2006, with the purpose of building consensual solutions for the economic crisis in the Estate. Starting from the understanding about the importance of visibility and construction of a certain image in order to obtain support, and of the consensus and legitimacy of public opinion nowadays, this thesis shows how the mentioned project serve as a mechanism to expose the political actors searching for visibility and as a way to produce a certain image that could influence public interests. The outcomes of the present work were reached throughout a historical study as well as an exam of the communication strategies and speeches found in three different spectrums of public visibility: the institutional communication (Legislative Authority), the institutional marketing (Pacto pelo Rio Grande) and the repercussion on the News (Zero Hora).

1 Abstract The thesis emphasizes music and politics, discussing how musicians and their music become a factor in political discourse. As a powerful media, music can be involved in politics and used by politics. The thesis has categorized several ways of musicians and their music become a factor in the politics and also has listed special examples. According to dimensions of human interests, politics of power, politics of money and politics of behavior can be the three main intentions of music getting involved in politics. Musicians and politicians though have many intentions to let the music get connected to politics, the thesis finally reaches the conclusion that they are all for the result of the collective action of the people to achieve higher mutual interests. Keywords Music, Politics, Political Communication, Collective Action, Human Interest

En quête d'efficacité et d'influence, tout candidat aux électionsprésidentielles tente de se fabriquer et de donner à voir une image de soi conformeaux attentes des électeurs concernant le profil d'un futur chef d'État. Cette imagede soi séduisante construite à travers le discours, appelée ethos en rhétorique, faitpartie intégrante de l'argumentation au même titre que ses autres composantes, àsavoir le logos et le pathos. Le discours politique, en tant que porteur d'importantsenjeux, est le terrain de construction identitaire par excellence.Ce travail explore les stratégies communicatives dans l'activitéargumentative qu'est le débat politique télévisé. Les données sont constituées parle face à face télévisé du 2 mai 2007 entre Nicolas Sarkozy et Ségolène Royal, àla veille du deuxième tour des élections présidentielles françaises.Je me propose dans ce travail de dégager les règles et les mécanismes surlesquels repose la fabrication d'une image de soi télévisuelle par les praticiens dela persuasion que sont les hommes et les femmes politiques, afin de parvenir àleurs fins. Les outils langagiers dont les deux adversaires se servent lors du dueltélévisé en question ici, pour nous servir une image de soi conforme au modèleprésidentiel « idéal » sont analysés un par un. Ainsi, ayant une meilleureconnaissance des coulisses de la rhétorique audiovisuelle, l'électeur-téléspectateurdevient maître de sa décision et responsable de son choix, et apprend à se méfierdes sentiments et des impressions que lui inspirent les praticiens de la persuasion. / In search of effectiveness and influence, every candidate who stands forpresidential elections attempts to create and give to the audience a self-imageconsistent with the elector's expectations concerning a future head of state'sprofile. This attractive self-image created through discourse, called ethos inrhetoric, is an integral part of argumentation, as well as its other components,logos and pathos. Political discourse, as a vector of important stakes, constitutesthe ground of identity construction par excellence.This work explores communication strategies in argumentation activity,and particularly in televised political debate. The data is constituted by thetelevised face to face of the 2nd of May 2007 between Nicolas Sarkozy andSégolène Royal, at the eve of the second ballot of the French presidentialelection.What I propose in this work is to draw up the rules and mechanisms thatgovern the making of one's televised self-image by politicians, spin doctors, inorder to achieve their ends. I propose to analyse, one by one, the linguistic toolsthat the two opponents use in order to give the audience a self-image consistentwith an ideal presidential model, during the televised duel that we're studyinghere. In this way, having a better knowledge of what goes on behind the scenesof audiovisual rhetoric, the elector-televiewer becomes master of his decisionand has the control of his choice and learns to beware of feelings andimpressions inspired by the professionals of persuasion.

Esta dissertação descreve e analisa o debate público sobre o projeto do Pontal do Estaleiro entre as esferas pública, política e midiática. O terreno referente ao Pontal do Estaleiro se tornou uma polêmica durante a revisão do Plano Diretor de Desenvolvimento Urbano e Ambiental de Porto Alegre. Este projeto monopolizou um debate entre novembro de 2008 e agosto de 2009, ao sair do escopo da revisão do plano diretor e solicitar alteração da Lei Complementar 470 de 02/01/2002 (LC 470/2002) para permitir edificações residenciais em espaço de orla às margens do Guaíba. A polêmica rendeu duas aprovações do projeto, veto do prefeito e audiências públicas na Câmara de Vereadores. Acabou resultando em deliberação pública através da realização de uma consulta à população. O trabalho aborda a circularidade das questões nas cinco principais fases do debate, a partir das especificidades de cada instância. Na esfera política, analisaram-se os movimentos de accountability (prestação de contas) em notícias publicadas pela Câmara de Vereadores e Prefeitura Municipal nos respectivos sites. Na esfera pública, foram identificados os argumentos da arena de interlocução através da observação participante de uma audiência pública, duas reuniões do Fórum de Entidades e de entrevistas realizadas no dia da consulta pública. Na esfera midiática, foram examinadas as questões enquadradas nas principais coberturas jornalísticas sobre o Pontal, realizadas pelos jornais Zero Hora, Correio do Povo e Jornal do Comércio. Concluiu-se que as esferas realizam diferentes tipos de comunicação no debate. A esfera pública substanciou os principais argumentos que foram discutidos no debate público. Juntamente com a esfera política, foi mais permeável à circulação de questões em debate, mas ambas não conseguiram agendar a esfera midiática na exposição argumentativa. Assim, a mídia se mostrou menos permeável aos argumentos reduzindo a amplitude do debate público. / This thesis describes and analyzes the public debate on the development proposal for Pontal do Estaleiro between the public, politics and media spheres. Pontal do Estaleiro’s property became controversial during the revision of the Master Plan for Urban and Environmental Development of Porto Alegre. This project was the main focus of a debate between the months of November 2008 and August 2009, when it left the scope of the Master Plan review and a change of the Complementary Law 470 of 01/02/2002 (LC 470/2002) was requested in order to allow residential buildings to be built on the coast of Guaíba Lake. The controversy was such that the project had two approvals, the mayor's veto and public hearings at the City Council. It eventually was resolved through public deliberation by a query within the population. This work addresses the issues of circularity in the five main stages of the debate considering the specificities of each instance. In the public sphere, the arguments of the arena for dialogue were identified through participant observation of a public hearing, two meetings of the Forum of Entities and interviews done during the public consultation. In the political sphere, the movements of accountability were analyzed in reports published by the City Council and City Hall on their websites. In the media sphere, issues framed in the main news coverage on the Pontal made by Zero Hora, Correio do Povo and Jornal do Comércio were examined. It was concluded that the spheres carry different types of communication throughout the debate. The public sphere has substantiated the main arguments that have been discussed in public debate. Along with the political sphere, it was more open to the circulation of issues under discussion, but both failed to influence the media sphere's agenda towards the explanatory argument. Thus, the media showed itself less susceptible to arguments, reducing the extent of public debate.

Esta pesquisa analisa o projeto Pacto Pelo Rio Grande, fórum de discussões criado pela Assembléia Legislativa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul em 2006, com o propósito de buscar soluções consensuais para a crise financeira do Estado. Partindo da compreensão sobre a importância da visibilidade e da produção de imagem para a obtenção do apoio, do consentimento e da legitimidade da opinião pública na contemporaneidade, essa dissertação mostra como o projeto serve para configurar mecanismos de exposição de atores políticos em busca de visibilidade e produção de imagem em nome da convergência de interesses. Os objetivos foram atingidos por meio do estudo histórico-descritivo e do exame sobre as estratégias de comunicação e do discurso utilizados em três esferas distintas de visibilidade pública: a comunicação institucional (Assembléia Legislativa), a propaganda institucional (Pacto pelo Rio Grande) e a repercussão jornalística (jornal Zero Hora). / The present survey analyzes a project called 'Pacto pelo Rio Grande', a discussion forum created by the Legislative Authority of the estate of Rio Grande do Sul, in 2006, with the purpose of building consensual solutions for the economic crisis in the Estate. Starting from the understanding about the importance of visibility and construction of a certain image in order to obtain support, and of the consensus and legitimacy of public opinion nowadays, this thesis shows how the mentioned project serve as a mechanism to expose the political actors searching for visibility and as a way to produce a certain image that could influence public interests. The outcomes of the present work were reached throughout a historical study as well as an exam of the communication strategies and speeches found in three different spectrums of public visibility: the institutional communication (Legislative Authority), the institutional marketing (Pacto pelo Rio Grande) and the repercussion on the News (Zero Hora).

The purpose of this study is to examine the use of fear in oral political communication. For the study, speeches held during the political event Almedalsveckan 2017, by representatives from three Swedish political parties, are analyzed. The authors are using the following questions to carry out the analysis; ¤ Are elements of fear expressed in the speeches and to which extent? ¤ In which ways are fear used in the speeches? ¤ Are there any political questions for which all party representatives express fear? Former studies have suggested that politicians in some ways are driven by fear and that fear is a fertile ground for building politics upon. The method used for the analysis is an ideal analysis which includes the use of abstract and concrete dimensions of fear as the analytical instrument. Results of the study shows that the speeches do include expressions of both concrete and abstract fear, to a varying extent. Vio-lence, threats, extremism and social disruption are elements of fear which are expressed by all representatives.

When the elections are getting closer, media starts to reports more frequently aboutpolitical parties, leaders and issues to enlighten the public. But the media changes just as time changes as well. Framing and entertainment/ advertising tends to be more common in political media in our time. Studies in media globalization and researches from the newest election in USA shows that the political media has become more personalized, which, according to some hasan effect on the public’s attitude or belief towards politics and leaders. In that very situation, I got interested in finding out if and how the political communication with personalization vs. party-orientated as leading question, has changed in Sweden and USA from the beginning of the millennium to 2016. As help, framing has been used to find entertainment, personalization and party-oriented terms in 200 news articles. The findings and conclusions are as following; the political medias have changed to a new agenda, with framing and entertainment setting political news in a new light and perspective.

Ce travail de recherche vise à approfondir les connaissances scientifiques au sujet de la communication politique sur Twitter dans le contexte culturel de plusieurs pays. Notamment, il propose un angle d’analyse novateur à travers la notion de sémiosphère. Cette thèse examine les composants du discours politique sur Twitter, à la lumière de la théorie de Lotman sur la sémiosphère, tout particulièrement, la manière dont ils s’articulent en espace sémiotique cohérent autour d’un « événement », au sein du dispositif sociotechnique. Cette analyse questionne des problématiques qui touchent à la modélisation, la représentation et l’interprétation de « l’événement » à travers les discours actualisés dans leurs contextes culturels. La thèse s’appuie en partie sur l’analyse quantitative, mais plus encore qualitative d’un corpus multilingue (français, britannique, allemand, russe). La recherche se nourrit d’une épistémologie variée, mise au service d’une approche au niveau international, à la fois contrastive et compréhensive, de la communication politique sur Twitter. / This research aims to deepen present-day scientific knowledge about politicians’ communication on Twitter in different national contexts. Namely, it proposes a new angle of analysis through the notion of semiosphere. The PhD examines components of political discourse on Twitter, by means of Lotman’s theory of the semiosphere, particularly their structure as a coherent semiotic space created around an “event” on a digital platform. This analysis deals with the questions of modelling, representing and interpreting of an “event” within the discourses put in different cultural contexts. The PhD is based on the quantitative but especially qualitative analysis of different language-based corpora (French, British, German, Russian). The research mobilises a variety of theoretical approaches, in order to set up a contrastive as well as comprehensive approach to the analysis of political communication on Twitter.

In this paper, we analize in systematic and detailed terms one central aspect of Manuel Castells´s contemporary sociological perspective of power: the question of frame or modeling mind. The research will allow us to discover, mainly, the proliferation of a discourse built from two theoretical operations hidden by the author: the postulation of a logic of imposition as exclusionary logic of power or power of framed, and the separation between power and minds. We demonstrate that such discourse embodies a contradictory movement as often assumed a markedly ideological form that tend to mask the mentioned operations. Castells´s appropriation of Entman´s theory, his mainly theoretical source inthis case, provides significant evidence to demonstrate such findings. / En el presente artículo analizamos de modo sistemático y pormenorizado un aspecto central de la perspectiva sociológica contemporánea del poder de Manuel Castells: la cuestión del enmarcado o modelado de la mente. El estudio nos permitirá descubrir, principalmente, la proliferación de un discurso edificado a partir de dos operaciones teóricas ocultadas por el autor: la postulación de una lógica de imposición como lógica excluyente del poder y del poder de enmarcado, y la separación entre el poder y las mentes. Demostramos que tal discurso encarna un movimiento contradictorio en tanto asume con frecuencia una forma marcadamente ideológica que tiende a enmascarar las operaciones mencionadas. La apropiación que efectúa Castells de la teoría de Entman, su fuente teórica principal en este caso, aporta pruebas significativas para evidenciar tales hallazgos.

Political marketing is a tool for doing politics. As a medium, it cannot distort the sense of purpose, politics and government. The article highlights the importance of the process of govern and locates the election process as a means to such end. / El marketing político es una herramienta para hacer política, es un medio. Como todo medio, no puede desvirtuar el sentido del fin, la política, el poder, el gobierno. El artículo subraya la importancia de gobernar y ubica las elecciones como un medio para tal fin. El marketing político integral implica incorporar la herramienta en el conjunto de la acción política.