Arquitetado para ser um partido para os trabalhadores, o Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) foi um partido bastante heterogêneo, acolhendo nas suas hostes lideranças sindicais, profissionais liberais, políticos profissionais, empresários, latifundiários, comunistas e líderes progressistas. Em virtude disso, o antigo PTB tornou-se um partido complexo, com diversas subunidades (ou frações) partidárias: os “pragmáticos-getulistas”, os “doutrinários-trabalhistas”, os “pragmáticos-reformistas” e os “reformistas radicais”. Constituindo-se, ao mesmo tempo, em um partido de fisiológicos e reformistas, de progressistas e conservadores, de sindicalistas e plutocratas (empresários e latifundiários), o antigo PTB foi um partido paradoxal, que contava com um poderoso arsenal de elementos simbólicos e mobilizadores – o carisma de Getúlio Vargas e a doutrina trabalhista, nacionalista e reformista – que contribuíram para o seu significativo crescimento eleitoral durante o período democrático de 1945-1964. Soma-se a isso o fato de que sobre o PTB sempre pairou certa mística, tanto que das três grandes siglas extintas com o Ato Institucional nº 2, em 1965, o PTB foi a única resgatada durante os anos finais da ditadura. Dessa forma, a presente tese pretende analisar a história e a atuação do antigo Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro do Paraná, focalizando-o em duas perspectivas: internamente e externamente. No que tange à análise interna, a presente pesquisa visa a responder a seguinte questão: qual era o caráter do PTB do Paraná? Foi um partido fisiológico ou reformista? Foi um partido progressista ou conservador? Quem eram os membros que integraram a elite partidária? Quais eram as alas que existiram dentro do partido e como se processou as disputas internas pelo poder nas hostes petebistas? Nesse sentido, deve-se salientar que o foco de análise será o Diretório Estadual do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro do Paraná, sediado em Curitiba, e, mais especificamente, a sua elite partidária, isto é, os dirigentes e as pessoas influentes dentro da agremiação. Externamente, o objetivo é verificar a atuação e a importância do PTB na política paranaense entre os anos de 1945 a 1965. E mais, também se pretende investigar quais são os fatores que explicam o crescimento eleitoral do partido no Paraná no período em foco. / Architected to be a party for the workers, the Brazilian Labor Party (PTB in Portuguese) was a very heterogeneous party, welcoming in their hosts union leaders, liberal professionals, professional politicians, businessmen, landowners, communist and progressive liberal leaders. As a result, former PTB has become a complex party, with several parties’ subunits (or fractions): the "pragmatic-getulistas", the "doctrinal-labor", the ‘pragmatic-reformist” and the “radical reformers”. Constituting at the same time, into a physiological and reformist party, of progressives and conservatives, of trade unionists and plutocrats (businessmen and landowners), former PTB was a paradoxical party, which had a powerful arsenal of symbolic elements and mobilizes - the charisma of Vargas and labor, nationalist and reformist doctrine - which contributed to its significant electoral growth during the democratic period of 1945-1964. Summing to this the fact that the PTB always hovered over certain mystique, so that the three large extinct acronyms with the Institutional Act No. 2 in 1965, the PTB was the only rescued during the final years of the dictatorship Thus, this thesis aims to analyze the history and activities of former Brazilian Labor Party of Paraná, focusing on the two perspectives: internal and external. Regarding internal analysis, this research aims to answer the following question: what was the character of the PTB of Paraná? Was it a physiological or a reformist party? Was it a progressive or a conservative party? Who were the members who joined the party elite? What were the wings that existed within the party and how were processed the internal power struggles in PTB hosts? In this sense, it should be noted that the focus of analysis will be the Diretório Estadual do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro do Paraná (State Board of Brazilian Labor Party of Paraná), based in Curitiba, and more specifically, its party elite, which means, the leaders and influential people within the guild. Externally, the objective is to verify the performance and the importance of PTB in Paraná state politics between the years of 1945-1965. And more, it is also intended to investigate what are the factors that explain the electoral growth of the party in Paraná in the period in focus.

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-03-06T10:50:43Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Darlos Fernandes do Nascimento - 2016.pdf: 1641573 bytes, checksum: b0cc0524a8f089e35fe574db978360d8 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-03-06T11:00:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Darlos Fernandes do Nascimento - 2016.pdf: 1641573 bytes, checksum: b0cc0524a8f089e35fe574db978360d8 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-06T11:00:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Darlos Fernandes do Nascimento - 2016.pdf: 1641573 bytes, checksum: b0cc0524a8f089e35fe574db978360d8 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / I intend to rebuild the party political actions carried out in Goiás by periodic O Popular, Folha de Goiaz, O Social, Jornal do Povo, O Debate, Jornal de Notícias e Cinco de Março 1945 and 1964. Therefore, in addition to the analysis of these sources, I look into next on a set of memoirs and historical works that refer to agents that orbited. This research guided by the assumption that these journals, to utter their sentences, acted politically in accordance with the conditions of possibility established by the correlation of forces in which they were entered, producing speech acts that sought to convince and mobilize their readers. I hope that the results achieved in this thesis can contribute to the academic and scientific debate developed in areas such as History of Goiás and Political History. / Pretendo reconstituir as atuações político-partidárias realizadas em Goiás pelos periódicos O Popular, Folha de Goiaz, O Social, Jornal do Povo, O Debate, Jornal de Notícias e Cinco de Março entre 1945 e 1964. Para tanto, além da análise destas fontes, me debruçarei sobre um conjunto de obras memorialistas e historiográficas que fazem referência aos agentes que os orbitavam. Essa pesquisa norteou-se pela hipótese de que esses periódicos, ao proferirem suas sentenças, atuaram politicamente, de acordo com as condições de possibilidade estabelecidas pela correlação de forças na qual estavam inseridos, produzindo atos de fala que buscaram convencer e mobilizar seus leitores. Espero que os resultados alcançados nessa dissertação possam contribuir com o debate acadêmico-científico desenvolvido em áreas como a História de Goiás e a História Política.

The purpose of this essay is to analyze the democratic views in the two latest party platforms, belonging to the two Swedish political parties Vänsterpartiet and Sverigedemokraterna. This by applying Robert A. Dahl's democracy model, Polyarchy, and Carol Pateman's democratic Participatory model, on to the party platforms. By doing so, my hopes were to determine if the two political parties can classify themselves as democratic parties. The result shows that both Vänsterpartiet and Sverigedemokraterna meet the majority of the democratic demands created by Robert A. Dahl and Carol Pateman.

In many countries there are several political parties in power. In some of them, however, one party is in a position of hegemony. Other political parties are prevented to exercise their real power and often act only as a parties creating an illusion of democracy in a state where it does not exist. The present thesis deals with the hegemonic party systems in terms of their origin and subsequent transition. The thesis is based on the hypothesis that changing the rules of the hegemonic party will lead it to lose its status and power. As a case study of the hegemonic party regimes serves political system in Mexico, Mozambique and Cambodia. The first chapter defines the notion of a political party, party systems theory and transition mode. The second chapter deals with the hegemonic party systems. The third chapter deals with the case of Mexico and its system of hegemonic party. Findings refute the validity of the above hypothesis, since in many countries, even after the successful completion of the transition, earlier hegemonic parties maintain their power and their electoral support is high.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The prime aim of this thesis is to examine the link between fiscal decentralization and local financial governance in fiscally empowered woreda administrations (districts) of the Amhara region in Ethiopia. Local financial governance has been one of the reasons and arguably the crucial one that drives many countries to subscribe to fiscal decentralization. The presumption is that public finance mobilization and spending can be implemented in a more efficient, responsive, transparent and accountable manner at the local government level than at the centre. Nonetheless, empirical studies show that the linkage between fiscal decentralization and these local financial governance benefits is not automatic. Several developing countries that have tried to implement fiscal decentralization have failed to realise the promised financial governance gains largely due to design and implementation flaws. A review of the various theoretical perspectives suggest that local financial governance is not a factor of just devolution of fiscal power but also other intervening forces such as financial management system, citizen voicing mechanisms and the social and political context. It is within the framework of this theoretical argument that this study sought to investigate how the mixed and incomplete efforts of the district level fiscal decentralization program in the Amhara region has impacted on financial governance of woreda administrations. The study assesses the efficacy and role of various initiatives of the district level decentralization program of the Amhara region, such as the fiscal empowerment of woredas; financial management system reforms; citizen voicing mechanisms and political party structures and system in influencing woreda financial governance. To this end, the investigation process largely took the form of an interpretative approach employing a combination of various methods of gathering the required qualitative and quantitative data from respondents and documents in the selected four case woredas or districts. Findings on the assessment of the intergovernmental relations to measure the adequacy of devolution of fiscal power indicate that, despite the constitutional provision that affords the woredas the power to mobilize and spend public finance for the provision of various local public services, several design and implementation shortcomings have constrained woreda administrations from exercising such power effectively. As a result, the district level fiscal decentralization framework of the Amhara region appears to have features of decentralization by de-concentration rather than by devolution. Despite the extensive financial management reforms that have been undertaken, the research findings indicate that the financial management system in woreda administrations faces a range of challenges triggered largely by important design and implementation shortcomings. It is observed that the ‘getting the basics right first’ reforms in various financial management processes of woreda administrations are not only incomplete but also found to be inconsistent with each other and therefore could not serve their purpose. Furthermore, there has not been any other change in the last two decades since the initial implementation of these reforms despite such serious shortcomings. Most importantly, woreda administrations could not properly implement the techniques, methods, procedures and rules that constituted the reform process due to serious implementation problems such as the lack of manpower competency and problems associated with the lack of administrative accountability. The results of the study’s assessment regarding the practice of social accountability show that currently there is no arrangement for citizens to participate in public financial decisions and controls. In general, people have little interest in participating in the meetings organised by woreda government. Formal and informal community based organizations suffer from important capcity constraints, and the lack of strong civil society organizations to support these community based organizations makes such problems more difficult to resolve. However, local communities did indicate that they would be interested in participating in financial and budgeting processes if a number of conditions were satisfied. These included the availability of adequate and relevant information; the introduction of genuine forms of participation in which citizens were empowered; and evidence that popular participation was making a visible impact on financial decisions related to service delivery in their surroundings. The assessment of the ruling party structure and system suggests that the centralized system of the regional ruling party has created a dominant relationship between party organs at various levels so much sothat it has undermined the fiscal discretionary power of woreda administrations; blurred relationship between party and woreda financial management systems; and undermined direct voicing. Consequently, the genuine devolution of fiscal power, the effective implementation of the decentralised financial management systems, and direct participation of citizens are unlikely to be realised within the current ruling party system and structure. Moreover, the study shows that the intergovernmental relations, the implementation of financial management reforms and direct involvement of people influence each other. The evidence suggests that the effective implementation of the financial management reforms is not possible without genuine devolution of fiscal power and arrangements for the activeinvolvement of citizens. Despite these limitations and shortcomings, the research nevertheless reveals that the decentralization process has achieved some positive results, such as the expansion of access to basic services; the economic use of resources for such expansion; the mobilization of resources from local communities; and the streamlining of a number of bureaucratic processes. However, the prevalence of various financial governance challenges such as excessive budget transfers; low budget execution; uneconomical procurement; illicit spending; budget pressure; inadequate revenue collection; poor financial transparency; and compromised accountability in fiscally decentralized woreda administrations means the promised local financial governance benefits of fiscal decentralization are remain largely unrealized. The evidences in the study strongly suggest that the shortcomings in the design and implementation of intergovernmental relations, financial management system reforms, and direct voicing mechanisms areresponsible in combination with each other for these local financial governance challenges. Thus, the study concludes that local financial governance is a result of a complex network of interactions of intergovernmental relations, public financial management arrangements and social accountability mechanisms. The success of initiatives to improve local financial governance is dependent on contextual factors such as the capacity of civil society organizations and the ruling party system and structure. Therefore, while recommending further efforts of genuine devolution of power, in particular through the continuation of the financial management reform processes towards full-fledged reforms, the study contends that opening enough space for the proliferation of civil society organizations and alternative political parties will be the main priority.

O objetivo desta dissertação é construir uma hipótese de mecanismo causal do esquerdismo nos governos de esquerda renovadora da América Latina a partir do estudo de caso do racha à esquerda do Frente Amplio (FA) do Uruguai, e testar esta hipótese com o caso do racha à esquerda do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) do Brasil. Utilizando theory building process-tracing, a partir da literatura sobre partidos políticos foram elaboradas, e testadas no caso uruguaio, três hipóteses de partes de mecanismo causal, as quais estabelecem: (i) o movimento ao centro feito pelo FA para atingir objetivos eleitorais é parte do mecanismo causal do racha da fração 26M; (ii) as situações de crise com o governo do Presidente Tabaré Vázquez se constituíram em parte do mecanismo causal do racha do 26M; e (iii), a diminuição das oportunidades do 26M de incidir na toma de decisões do FA, combinada com sua perda de zonas de incerteza dentro do partido, tornou- se parte do mecanismo causal do racha desta fração. As evidências apresentadas para cada hipótese suportaram o Hoop test, o que deu um alto poder confirmatório das hipóteses, porém, não permitiu descartar hipóteses alternativas. Com base nos resultados do caso Uruguaio, se construiu uma hipótese de mecanismo causal dos processos de esquerdismo nos governos de esquerda renovadora da América Latina que contém 8 partes, as entidades (atores) e ações envolvidas em cada uma delas. Por fim, utilizando theory-testing process-tracing, se fizeram apontamentos sobre o funcionamento da hipótese no caso do processo das frações que racharam com o PT e formaram o Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL). As evidências apresentadas neste caso não foram submetidas a testes empíricos, porém, de maneira geral, não diminuíram nossa confiança na hipótese de mecanismo causal. Inclusive, se produzindo uma trajetória divergente entre as frações que derivou na estruturação em dois momentos do PSOL, não foi necessário adicionar de maneira ad-hoc partes para o mecanismo, pois as foças causais foram transmitidas pelas partes nele estabelecidas, encurtando-o no caso das frações que racharam no primeiro momento, e percorrendo-o parte por parte, no caso da fração que rachou no segundo momento. / The aim of this Master\'s dissertation is to construct a causal mechanism hypothesis of leftism in the Latin American renovation of left-wing governments. This will be reviewed in two parts: starting with the case study of the split in the left of the Frente Amplio (FA) party of Uruguay, and furthermore to test the hypothesis with the case study of the split in the left of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) of Brazil. Using theory- building process-tracing from literature about political parties, three hypotheses of parts of causal mechanism were elaborated and tested in the Uruguayan case, which established that: (i) the movement towards the center made by the FA to achieve electoral objectives was part of the causal mechanism of the split of the fraction 26M; (ii) crisis situations with the government of President Tabaré Vázquez were part of the causal mechanism of the split of 26M; and (iii) the reduction of 26M\'s opportunities to influence FA decision-making process, combined with the loss of zones of uncertainty within the party, became part of the causal mechanism of fracture of this fraction. The evidences presented for each hypothesis withstood the Hoop test, which gave a high confirmatory power to the hypotheses, however, they did not allow for the disregard of alternative hypotheses. Based on the results in the case of Uruguay, a hypothesis of causal mechanism of the leftist processes in the Latin American renovation of left-wing governments was constructed, which contains 8 parts, the entities (actors) and actions involved in each one of them. Finally, using theory-testing process-tracing, notes were made on the functionality of the hypothesis in the process of fractions that broke with the PT and formed the Partido Socialismo e Liberdade (PSOL). The evidence presented in this case was not subjected to empirical tests, however, in general, it did not diminish our confidence in the causal mechanism hypothesis. Even if there was a divergent trajectory between the fractions that resulted in the structuring in two moments of PSOL, it was not necessary to add parts to the mechanism ad-hoc, because the causal forces were transmitted to the parties in it, shortening it in the case of the fractions that broke initially, and going part by part, in the case of the fraction that broke after.

Début 2009, alors que les Etats-Unis étaient au coeur de la crise économique la plusimportante depuis plus de soixante-quinze ans, Barack Obama prenait place à la Maison-Blanche etmettait en place ses premières mesures sous le mot d’ordre « Hope and Change ». L’opposition à sonaction s’est alors rapidement cristallisée autour du mouvement Tea Party. Le premier objectif de cetravail de thèse consiste à expliquer le succès remporté par ce mouvement, en soulignant le rôle dequatre facteurs issue de la « structure des opportunités politiques » : l’ouverture du système partisanaux challengers, la stabilité des alignements politiques, l’existence de forces relais et, enfin, lastructure du conflit. Ces éléments constitutifs nous donnent aussi les clés nécessaires pour comprendrecomment et sous quelle forme s’est construite l’idéologie du mouvement. Dans un second temps, ilsera question d’analyser les effets du mouvement Tea Party sur son environnement politique. Nouschercherons à comprendre dans quelle mesure et selon quels mécanismes ce mouvement est parvenu àinfluencer le système politique américain dans un contexte marqué, depuis les années soixante-dix, parune polarisation de la politique américaine. Pour cela, nous aurons recours à l’étude comparée desdiscours produits par le Tea Party, le Parti républicain et le Parti démocrate. / In 2009, while the United-States were suffering from the worst economic crisis in more thansixty-five years, Barack Obama entered the White House and began implementing the first measuresof his “Hope and change” agenda. Opposition to his actions quickly crystallized around the Tea Partymovement. This PhD thesis aims firstly to explain the sudden success of the Tea Party by pointing therole of four factors linked to the “political opportunity structure”: access to the party system and policydecisions, the political alignments stability, the alliance structure, and finally the conflict structure.Those four elements can also help us understand the way the movement’s ideology was shaped. Asecond part is devoted to analyzing the effects of the Tea Party on its political environment. We intendto show to what extend and in which ways the Tea Party was able to influence the American politicalsystem, in a context marked, since the seventies, by a growing political polarization. To do so, weproceed by resorting to the comparative study of the Tea Party, the Republican Party, and theDemocratic Party discourses.

D’une portée inédite dans le voisinage maghrébin et arabe, à un moment crucial de l’évolution du monde arabo-musulman, la réforme constitutionnelle globale annoncée par SM le Roi Mohammed VI à la nation le 9 mars 2011, constitue l’aboutissement d’un processus de réformes économiques, politiques et sociales entamé depuis la fin des années 90. Fruit d’une démarche participative inédite dans l’histoire du Maroc, la constitution adoptée par référendum trois ans auparavant a jeté les bases d’une nouvelle phase dans le processus de consolidation d’un modèle démocratique marocain. Cette démarche, a été saluée par l’ensemble de la communauté internationale, l’estimant un pas important dans le développement politique en cours au Maroc, et une preuve significative de l’engagement de toutes les forces vives de la nation au projet de société porté par la nouvelle loi fondamentale. La nouvelle constitution est basée sur plusieurs fondements majeurs, qui concernent la séparation et l’équilibre des pouvoirs, la consolidation de l’Etat de droit, l’élargissement du champ des libertés individuelles et collectives, le renforcement du système des droits de l’Homme. Elle consacre pour la première fois, la reconnaissance de la composante culturelle amazighe, la volonté d’ériger la justice en un pouvoir indépendant. Elle prévoit également le renforcement du statut du premier ministre qui devient chef du gouvernement, la mise en place et la constitutionnalisation des instances en charge de promotion des droits de l’Homme et de la bonne gouvernance. En dehors de ces grands sujets, la nouvelle loi est riche de plusieurs dispositions qui touchent aux fondements de la société marocaine et à son insertion dans le concert des pays modernes et démocratiques. Elle ouvre de nouvelles perspectives, et va au-delà des aspirations exprimées, il s’agit d’une véritable révolution dans la vie politique du pays et un point de départ d’une ère nouvelle. Ce travail vise à montrer que la présente réforme n’est pas conjoncturelle ou due à un facteur unique, ce formidable sursaut de réforme n’est guère une affaire de circonstance, appelée désormais printemps arabe. Cette évolution constitutionnelle qui s’inscrit dans la stabilité du régime, semble démontrer sa maturité politique à travers son choix de mettre en œuvre de nouveaux mécanismes. Il s’agit donc d’un contexte institutionnel nouveau mais qui a pour objectif essentiel de consolider tous les acquis démocratiques qui ont été concrétisé tout au long de l’histoire contemporaine du Maroc et que nous nous proposons d’étudier. La nouvelle loi vient confirmer une fois encore l’exception du modèle marocain et son caractère singulier qui s’articule notamment autour d’une scène politique active et dynamique, puisant sa force d’une monarchie constitutionnelle, vieille de plusieurs siècles. Son exception est en fait un particularisme, une singularité due à la nature monarchique du régime et aux spécificités propres du Royaume, qui font que le changement ne s’opère pas par les mêmes canaux et ne s’exprime pas de la même façon. / In an unprecedented scope in the Maghreb and Arab neighborhood, at a crucial moment in the evolution of the Arab-Muslim world, the comprehensive constitutional reforms announced by HM King Mohammed VI to the nation on 9 March 2011, is the culmination of a process of economic reforms, political and social begun since the late 90s. Fruit unprecedented participatory approach in the history of Morocco, the constitution adopted by referendum three years ago laid the foundations of a new phase in the process of consolidation of a Moroccan democratic model. This approach was welcomed by the entire international community, considering an important step in policy development underway in Morocco, and a significant proof of the commitment of all forces of the nation to the project company carried by the new constitution. The new constitution is based on several major foundations, which concern the separation des powers, consolidating the rule of law, expanding the scope of individual and collective freedoms, strengthening the system of human rights. It enshrines for the first time, the recognition of the Amazigh cultural component, the desire to build justice in an independent power. It also provides for strengthening the status of the Prime Minister is head of government, the establishment and entrenchment of bodies responsible for promoting human rights and good governance. Apart from these major issues, the new law is rich with several provisions affecting the foundations of Moroccan society and its insertion in the concert of modern and democratic country. It opens new perspectives, and goes beyond the aspirations expressed; it is a revolution in the political life of the country and a starting point of a new era. This work aims to show that this reform is not cyclical or due to a single factor, great burst of reform is hardly a matter of fact, now called the Arab Spring. This constitutional change that is part of the regime's stability seems to show political maturity through his choice to implement new mechanisms. It is therefore a new institutional context but essential objective to consolidate all the democratic gains that have been materialized throughout the modern history of Morocco and we propose to study. The new law confirms once again the exception of the Moroccan model and its singular character that revolves around a particularly active and dynamic political scene, drawing its strength from a constitutional monarchy, centuries old. His exception is actually a particularism, a singularity due to the nature of the monarchical regime and the specificities of the Kingdom, which make the change does not take place through the same channels and is not expressed in the same way.

The topic of the diploma thesis is a comparison of the old and new left in the Czech Republic. The diploma thesis focuses on a comparison of the selected relevant left-wing political groups operating in the Czech Republic. The thesis examines differences and similarities between the KSČM, the socialist wing of ČSSD on one side and the Green Party and the left-liberal tendencies and offshoots of the ČSSD (such Idealists) on the other hand. The work is divided into three main parts. The first part of the thesis is theoretical. The theoretical part defines main terms such as a political party, political movement, left-right axis of the political spectrum, the old left, the new left etc. The explanation of the terms is very important for understanding the thesis. In the second part of this thesis, I analyze single significant and relevant political parties. I focus on the origin and development of political parties and their electoral program, their attitude to selected issues, electorate, potential cooperation between themselves and so on. The third part is comparative. The goal of this thesis is to find out whether the analyzed political parties fulfill leftist characteristic. Next goal of this thesis is to find out whether the classification on left-right axis of the political spectrum is still...

This diploma thesis focuses on comparison of ANO 2011 and Fidesz based on their origin, development, organizational structure, program and ideology, and role of the party leader. Beside the introduction of various organizational party types and concept of "genetical code" by Angelo Panebianco, the parties are examined also by concept of populism defined on the basis of the book by Cas Mudde and C.R. Kaltwasser. Based on two case studies of ANO 2011 and Fidesz the goal of this paper was to find out similar and different features and explore their impact on democratic system. As long as these two parties have different organizational structure, one of the important features is dominant role of their founder not only in the foundation of the party but also in the following development towards centralized organization and personalization. The other common feature is populism which appears to be an important variable affecting the party's influence on the democratic system. However, the character of populism is different in these cases. Particular political system and electoral system also play important role in the potential decline of democracy.