This empirical study analyzes the political implications for presidential election outcomes that stem from varying felon disenfranchisement laws within the United States. In the past decade incarceration rates have drastically increased, consequently augmenting the disenfranchised population. This paper focuses on presidential election outcomes and state political party majorities in the election years 2000, 2004, 2008, and 2012. I use demographic characteristics to calibrate assumptions for voter turnout and political party choice among the disenfranchised populations within each state. I then apply these voting populations to historical election outcomes and find that three state political party outcomes change, as well as the potential for a reversal in the 2000 presidential election. I also apply the estimated voting populations by state to an entirely Republican turnout and then to an entirely Democratic turnout to analyze the scope of the disenfranchised population and find that under these assumptions several states’ political party majorities and several election outcomes are reversed.

The diploma thesis is focused on the role of appearance in electoral decision making in the presence of political information and voters' characteristics. In the theoretical part experimental researches and real elections researches, which are focused on the appearance of political candidates, are presented. The results highlight the presence of stereotyped thinking in electoral decision making, the influence of the appearance of attractive candidates and the perceived competencies, that have a predominantly positive effect on electoral success, the negative evaluation of candidates with higher weight, and the inconsistent evaluation of ethnicity and gender of political candidates. Current research has shown that a political program, shared values and personalities at the head of political parties have been selected in the elections of political parties, and in the fictitious elections the candidate with the same political attitude has the greatest chance of success. However, the appearance of political candidates affects the success of candidates even in the presence of political attitudes and the characteristics of the respondents. Preferred is the attractiveness of the candidate and the appearance of competence, which is controlled by attractiveness and older age. A nice look of political...

The present dissertation has as object of study the relationship between the journalistic competence2, the relationship networks and the insertion of journalists in the Aracaju´s politic press office. In the attempt of understanding how this professional is inserted and rises professionaly in this space of social communication, we start from the principle that personal and interpersonal ties may constitute a prime resource for entry into the politic press office and the occupation of headship position in comunication office in governmental and legislative institutions. In order to do this objective, it was adopted as data collection the biographical research with journalists working in press offices in the political sphere. The empirical universe considered is formed by 10 journalists, wich 04 of them direct sectors in governmental and legislative organizations and the other 06 ones advise politician and parliamentarians. The analysis reveals that the entry of the journalist in the field of politic press in Aracaju, is through nominations made by a friend, a relative, or a professional colleague, a known political, or through personal invitations. It also indicates that the links created through political activism, may result in invitations to occupy positions in state agencies. / A presente dissertação tem como objeto de estudo a relação entre a competência1 jornalística, as redes de relações e a inserção de jornalistas na assessoria de imprensa política de Aracaju. Na tentativa de compreender como esse profissional se insere e ascende profissionalmente nesse espaço da comunicação social, parte-se do principio de que os vínculos pessoais e interpessoais podem se constituir em um recurso primordial para a entrada na assessoria de imprensa política e para a ocupação de posições de chefia em assessorias de comunicação em instituições governamentais e legislativas. Para que se dê conta desse objetivo, adotou-se como coleta de dados a pesquisa biográfica com jornalistas que atuam em assessorias de imprensa na esfera política. O universo empírico considerado é formado por 10 jornalistas, dos quais 04 dirigem pastas em órgãos governamentais e legislativos e os outros 06 assessoram partidos políticos e parlamentares. A análise revela que a entrada do jornalista na área da assessoria de imprensa política em Aracaju, se dá através de indicações feita por um amigo, um parente, ou um colega de profissão, a um político conhecido, ou através de convites pessoais. Indica também que os vínculos criados através da militância política, podem resultar em convites para a ocupação de cargos em órgãos estatais.

La sentencia a Alberto Fujimori por los crímenes de nueve estudiantes y un profesor de la Universidad de Educación Enrique Guzmán y Valle - La Cantuta no solo puso por primera vez en el banquillo de los acusados a un expresidente latinoamericano por delitos de lesa humanidad, sino que reconoció las memorias, en plural y en lucha, que disputan la representación del pasado de horror y violencia en Perú. A diferencia del fujimorato, cuando la mayoría de medios de comunicación se coludieron con este, en el 2009 los diarios más influyentes del país hicieron un amplio despliegue del proceso judicial. El presente artículo ofrece una mirada interpretativa a dicha cobertura y su contribución a la construcción de memoria. Analiza la calidad de las noticias publicadas, así como los juicios y atribuciones reflejados en los editoriales de El Comercio y La República. Recoge los testimonios de algunos familiares de las víctimas, de políticos, periodistas y miembros de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación (CVR), y contrasta ?ausencias? y ?presencias? en las narrativas de ambos diarios que revelan cómo, desde sus particulares líneas editoriales, contribuyeron a lo que Salomón Lerner Febres llama una "memoria previa", una selección de acontecimientos recuperados y conservados que, si bien difundidos de manera fidedigna, estuvieron encaminados a una ?memoria de reconciliación? necesaria para dignificar a las víctimas, fortalecer la democracia y consolidar la paz en el país. / Trabajos de investigación

Research of process of forming of party system of Russia at the present stage acquires special relevance that is caused by changes of a political regime. Change of nature of a political regime, sharpening of personalistic, unicentric lines has caused search of a new format of party system which would minimize possibility of instability of a political regime and became the effective mechanism of maintenance of the status quo. Main goal of dissertation research is studying of forming of a tendency to a monotsentrichnost in development of party system of the modern Russian Federation. Hypotheses which have proved to be true have been formulated: forming of unicentric party system when using strategy of a party creation of the power and its positioning in political space I became reaction of political elite of Russia to a situation of democratic transit and manifestation of its pragmatical interests.

François de La Noue (1531-1591), gentilhomme français et protestant, compose, alors qu’il est incarcéré, les Discours politiques et militaires, publiés en 1587 : nous en proposons ici une édition commentée, précédée d'une introduction. Celle-ci comporte sept chapitres dont le premier relate la vie de l'auteur, étroitement liée aux guerres de religion. Nous nous sommes ensuite intéressés à la genèse des Discours, avant d'établir un catalogue complet des éditions et émissions de l'œuvre. Un bilan des études consacrées à La Noue et à ses écrits termine ce chapitre. Puis, l'univers culturel de ce gentilhomme qui a manié l'épée et la plume est examiné : par l'identification des sources des Discours, nous avons reconstitué sa bibliothèque. Voulant restaurer l'État, il dénonce, en moraliste, la corruption des valeurs, et propose, en réformateur, un programme éducatif. Sa vision politique tirée des Saintes Écritures et son rôle politique joué durant les guerres font l'objet du chapitre IV. Le cinquième traite de la guerre tant du point de vue de sa légitimité que de celui des institutions militaires que La Noue cherche à améliorer. Le XXVIe discours, qui porte sur l'histoire des guerres civiles, nous a poussé à nous interroger, dans la sixième partie, sur sa conception et son écriture de l'histoire. Une approche rhétorique pose, pour finir, la question du genre Discours. Plusieurs documents annexes viennent ensuite apporter des éclaircissements. Suit le texte des Discours politiques et militaires, présenté avec des notes critiques, historiques et lexicales. Enfin, un glossaire, un index et une blibliographie terminent cette thèse. / François de La Noue (1531-1591), a French protestant gentleman, composed, during his time in prison, Discours politiques et militaires published in 1587 : here we give you a commented edition, preceded by an introduction, made up of seven chapters. The first one describes the author’s life, closely related to the religious wars. We then focused on the genesis of the Discours, before establishing a complete catalogue of the editions and issues of the book. This chapter ends with an assessment of the studies devoted to La Noue. After that, this gentleman’s cultural universe, which wielded sword and quill is examined: by identifying the sources of the Discours, we have reconstituted his library. Wanting to restore the state, he denounces, moralistically, a corruption of values and he proposes, in way of reform, an educational program. His political vision, taken from the Holy Scripture and his political role during the wars make up Chapter 4. Chapter 5 looks at the war from both a legitimacy side and from the side of the military institutions that La Noue sought to improve. Speech XXVI, which talks about the history of the civil wars made us question, in Chapter 6, his conception and composition of history. We finish with a rhetorical approach to the question of the genre of the Discours. Several documents in the appendix bring clarification. To follow: Discours politiques et militaires, with critiques and historical and lexical notes. A glossary, an index and a bibliography complete this thesis.

Nombreux ont été les travaux réalisés sur le gaullisme et les gaullistes ces dernières années. Outre les nombreuses études sur le général de Gaulle, ces travaux ont notamment concerné le parti se réclamant de celui qui a lancé l’appel du 18 juin 1940, ainsi que les idées qui composent ce courant de pensée. Il s’agit pour nous de nous intéresser à la période allant du départ du général du pouvoir le 27 avril 1969 jusqu’à l’année 1992, qui voit au niveau national le référendum de Maastricht diviser les gaullistes sur la question européenne et au niveau local l’élection à la tête de la région de Antoine Rufenacht, qui succède à un autre gaulliste, Roger Fossé. Ici, nous prenons un point de vue original puisqu’il s’agit de faire une étude territoriale d’un parti politique, en prenant comme objet d’étude une région, la Haute-Normandie. C’est pourquoi notre analyse se situe sur plusieurs échelles, du national au municipal, en passant par l’échelle régionale, départementale ainsi que celle de la circonscription et du canton. Ainsi, un des objectifs est de s’interroger sur la question de savoir s’il y a une certaine singularité du territoire normand par rapport à l’échelon national. Une étude des structures partisanes territoriales nous permet également de voir comment s’organise un parti politique au niveau local, et de constater ou non qu’il y a une indépendance possible par rapport à la structure nationale. Enfin, nous nous posons la question de savoir ce qu’il reste du gaullisme une génération après le départ de son inspirateur, à travers l’étude des références au général de Gaulle, au gaullisme lui-même, mais également en nous attachant à voir l’évolution des références aux idées qui fondent le gaullisme. De même, l’apparition d’un nouvel acteur dans la vie politique au milieu des années 1980, le Front national, oblige ceux qui se réclament du gaullisme à s’adapter à ce nouvel état de fait. Pour mener cette étude, au-delà des sources classiques que sont les articles de presse, nous utilisons des sources jamais utilisées jusqu’ici. Il s’agit premièrement des rapports des Renseignements Généraux qui permettent d’avoir des éléments pour définir ce qu’est la vie politique dans un parti politique au niveau local, mais également des archives privées et orales qui permettent de donner un regard neuf sur le parti gaulliste et sur ceux qui le compose. / Over the past few years, many works have been done on “French Gaullism” as well as on “partisan gaullists”. Besides the numerous studies on French Général de Gaulle, these works focused mostly on the political party which claimed the political ideas of the man who called to resistance with the “Appeal of 18 June”. What will be primarly explored in this work is the era which followed the Général’s resignation from power on the 27 april 1969, up to the year 1992, which saw, at a national level, the French Maastricht Treaty referendum divide gaullists on the European issue, as well as, at a local level, the election of Antoine Rufenacht as head of region, following another gaullist, Roger Fossé. Our approach here is therefore quite original as it is a territorial study of a political party, and it explores the regional example of Haute-Normandie. As a result, our analysis will combine different scales of observation, from national to municipal, as well as regional, local and district scales. Thus, one of our main goal is to question ourselves on the singularity of the Normandy region, compared to the national standard. A close examination of the regional adherent structures will allow us to illuminate the organisation of a local political party, and to evaluate the possible independence from the national structure. Finally, we will discuss the state of “French Gaullism”, one generation after the retirement of its leader, through the exploration of references to the Général de Gaulle, of the “gaullist” movement itself, as well as of the evolution of its fondamental principles. Furthermore, the emerging of a new french political actor in the mid-1980s, the far-right party “Front National”, forces those who refer as “gaullists” to adapt to this new political polarisation. In order to conduct this study beyond the usual sources, that is to say press articles, rare sources, that have never been used before, will be put under scrutiny. As a result, we will benefit from reports by the « Renseignements Généraux », which are decisive to clearly define what political life means inside a political party, at a local scale. Moreover, privates archives and oral files will allow us to provide a fresh look on the “gaullist” party and its members.

Cette thèse montre que la musique participe activement à la production des identités et des valeurs dans la communication politique pour la conquête et la conservation du pouvoir. La musique, de par sa capacité à fédérer des émotions par des rituels, fait partie des outils symboliques privilégiés dans les stratégies de production et de légitimation de l’imaginaire, afin de produire et structurer les émotions (comme le sentiment d’appartenance, la sensation de « bien-être », l’identité sociale et politique, etc.). Or, aucune théorie en science politique n’a, à ce jour, vraiment expliqué en quoi la musique est constitutive d’idées et de valeurs politiques.Riche d’un corpus empirique original pour la science politique, composé de partitions musicales et d’une centaine d’archives audiovisuelles (clips et hymnes de campagne), cette thèse propose de faire une histoire des esthétiques musicales du pouvoir et de comprendre l’articulation entre les caractéristiques musicales intrinsèques (tonalité, rythme, timbre, hauteur, volume, etc.) et les finalités politiques du pouvoir. L’étude des invariants de la musique du pouvoir amène à questionner d’une part, l’héritage historique et les fondamentaux de la musique du pouvoir et, d’autre part, les stratégiesmusicales prises dans la communication politique contemporaines en régime pluraliste. / This thesis shows that music actively contributes to the production of identities and values in political communication for the conquest and preservation of power. Music, through its ability to federate emotions using rituals, is an important symbolic tool in strategies of production and legitimization of an imaginary, to produce and structure emotions (such as the feeling of belonging, the feeling of « wellbeing », social and political identity, etc.). Yet, to this day, no theory in political science has really explained how music is constituent of ideas and political values.Filled with an empirical corpus that is original for political science, which consists of musical scores and hundreds of audio-visual archives (videoclips and campaign songs), this thesis offers to tell a story of power’s musical aesthetics, and to understand the link between intrinsic musical characteristics (tonality, rhythm, timbre, pitch, volume, etc) and the political goals of power. The study of the constants in music for/from power leads us to question firstly its foundations and historical legacy, and secondly the musical strategies used in political communication of the contemporary pluralist system.

The presented work is situated on the borderline between gender history and women's history. It aims to analyze the agenda of the Czechoslovak female deputies between 1918 and 1948. The work describe, analyze and looks for common features of political, social and gender motivation and program priorities in the parliamentary activities of the female deputies of the Czechoslovak Parliament. Work looks for connections between agenda of female deputies and the social and political situation of the state like geopolitical or economic crisis. This work focuses on the development of what is understanted under the term "female issues" and how big is the part of female issues in the overall agenda of female deputies during the period. The text is also interested in relations female deputies with their male colleagues. The author presents types of women's requirements, which female deputies considered to contribute to women as social group. The primary focus is on the anticipated evolution from female ambassadors to real parliament member with comprehensive political program. Key words Female members of parliament, Františka Zeminová, Czechoslovakian parliament, female issues, political party membership, 1918-1948, women's suffrage, gender

The content of the presented thesis is the introduction of selected institutes of the laws on political parties and their enactment in the Czech Republic and the Federal Republic of Germany. The thesis is divided into two chapters. The first addresses the fundamental questions of the legal regulations on political parties in both countries. The second deals with the funding of political parties. Because this is a comparative thesis, individual legal regulations are always introduced in the first two subchapters. The third subchapter compares the most significant institutes and their possible use in the Czech law is proposed. The main points of the first chapter are especially the process of political party creation, the comparison of anchored attributes of a democracy capable of defence in the laws and last but not least also the contemplation of the possible expansion of the addressees of the right to form and join political parties and political movements, pursuant to Article 20 par. 2 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms, also to foreigners staying in the Czech Republic for a long time. The second chapter of this thesis deals with the current topic that has been a part of political life since its beginning - the funding of political parties. Both compared countries have gone through...