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In July 1995, more than 8,000 young boys and men were executed by Bosnian Serb Forces in what was later declared a genocide in Srebrenica. In the following years, Bosnia and Herzegovina has undergone a long and difficult process of restoring peace and achieving justice and reconciliation. The country's main challenges have mainly concerned Dayton peace agreement and its division of entities and political power, tensions between parties and a structural exclusion of minorities. Following the extensive legal process, a national and international denial of the genocide, and denial of the legitimacy of the ICTY has been dominant. Other historical events like “Safe area” and UN action during the war and the occupation of Srebrenica are important factors for the development towards a democracy. The aim of this thesis is to investigate through a qualitative method the consequences of the denial of the Srebrenica genocide and its impact on the country's ability to achieve peace, justice and reconciliation. Other key concepts are sustainable peace, truth and justice in relation to human rights. Hannah Arendt's theories of total domination, tyranny and political revisionism constitutes the theoretical framework of the thesis. These theories are used to gain a deeper understanding of the concepts, their meaning and how they can be related to countries' transitional justice and achieve peace after serious war crimes. The study shows that the country is strongly affected by its history and the serious violations that the Bosnian Muslim population was subjected to during the war. The widespread denial of the genocide is an extension of suffering and human rights violations, which strongly impedes the country's ability to achieve peace, justice and reconciliation. Other results are that more knowledge is needed about the choice of legal methods after serious violations of humanitarian law. The methods discussed in the study are international tribunals and truth commissions and in which countries these are most adequate. The study has identified gaps in research regarding the understanding of the importance interpersonal relationships, dialogue and a smaller distance between political systems and citizens has for Bosnia & Herzegovina and for countries' recovery and reconciliation processes.

The main objective of this diploma thesis is to analyze the nature of obstacles to the regional approach to Afghanistan through the lens of the Regional Security Complex Theory. I will focus on studying security dynamics within and among three security complexes surrounding Afghanistan, to see how these dynamics affect their interaction with the latter. Prospects of any regional cooperation on Afghanistan are hampered by security dynamics within these complexes whereby primary traditional political-military threats are perceived by the complex states as more threatening than the mostly transnational threats stemming from unstable Afghanitan. Particularly the Indo-Pakistani rivalry and to a lesser extent the Saudi-Iranian rivalry represent major obstacles as it is reflected also in their engagement in Afghanistan. On the other hand, weak Central Asia states are linked to Afghanistan security dynamics by mostly transnational threats and ethnic affinities but are generally too weak to extend their security dynamics beyond their respective complex. The thesis also seeks to analyze the possibility of Afghanistan's external transformation in terms of its inclusion into the South Asia complex and based on now stronger security interdependence among the Afghanistan-Pakistan-India triangle. This assumption could...

Introduction : Les droits en matière de santé sexuelle et reproductive (SSR) sont essentiels pour parvenir à une couverture sanitaire universelle pour tous, y compris les personnes handicapées. L'Ouganda a émergé d'un conflit armé de 20 ans qui a engendré à la fois des handicaps et des dommages aux systèmes de santé, en particulier au nord du pays. Une personne sur cinq vit avec un handicap en Ouganda où plusieurs lois et politiques ont été adoptées promouvant les droits des personnes handicapées. Or, leur accès aux services de SSR demeure limité. Les rôles genrés restent omniprésents et les hommes et les jeunes handicapés sont moins ciblés par les programmes de SSR (article 1). Les politiques de santé et leur mise en œuvre nécessitent donc une analyse contextuelle plus approfondie pour protéger le droit à la santé des personnes handicapées. Cette thèse visait à examiner les relations perçues et empiriques entre la législation, les politiques de santé et l'utilisation des services de SSR par les personnes handicapées dans la région post-conflit au nord l'Ouganda. Méthodes : Un devis séquentiel exploratoire de méthodes mixtes s'est appuyé sur le cadre d’analyse des politiques basée sur l'intersectionnalité (IBPA). 1) Nous avons mené une étude de cas multiples auprès de cinq groupes d'acteurs des politiques (personnes handicapées, prestataires de services, organisations de personnes handicapées, organisations nationales et internationales, et décideurs politiques nationaux), thématiquement analysé 45 entretiens approfondis et neuf groupes de discussion, et observé sept structures de santé en matière d'accessibilité. 2) Nous avons analysé des données secondaires provenant des enquêtes démographiques et sanitaires ougandaises de 2006, 2011 et 2016 à l'aide de régressions logistiques multivariées. Le but était d’analyser l'utilisation des services de SSR chez 15 739 personnes au cours de la décennie qui a suivi l'adoption de la Loi sur le handicap en Ouganda. 3) Une revue systématique a été réalisée pour examiner les relations entre la législation, les politiques de santé et l'utilisation des services de SSR parmi les populations vulnérables en Afrique subsaharienne (1994-2019). Résultats : Cette thèse met en exergue quatre résultats principaux. 1) Le cadre de l’IBPA a mis en évidence des relations complexes entre la législation, les politiques de santé et l'utilisation des services de SSR chez les personnes handicapées au nord de l'Ouganda. Ces relations ont été marquées par des défis de mise en œuvre des politiques, la violation des droits des personnes handicapées, et des vulnérabilités croisées vécues par les personnes handicapées, exacerbées par les structures de pouvoir sociétales sous-jacentes. Les perceptions des différents groupes d'acteurs des politiques convergeaient en soulignant les iniquités persistantes en matière de SSR auxquelles sont confrontées les personnes handicapées (articles 2 et 3). L'utilisation des services de SSR s’est accrue au fil du temps. Cependant, elle ne s'est pas améliorée de la même manière pour tous. L'évolution de l'utilisation des services de SSR sur une décennie a révélé des tendances d’utilisation des services nuancées chez les personnes vivant avec différentes incapacités; notamment, les femmes plus nanties avec une incapacité auditive étaient moins susceptibles d'avoir utilisé les services de maternité comparativement aux femmes pauvres non handicapées (article 4). 2) Les cinq groupes d’acteurs des politiques ont identifié des défis en matière de mise en œuvre des politiques et ont émis plusieurs recommandations concrètes et complémentaires pour lever les barrières et rendre opérationnelles les mesures transformatrices, telles que la budgétisation et la collecte de données sur le handicap (articles 2 et 3). 3) Les résultats au niveau local (Ouganda) ont permis de contextualiser ceux au niveau régional (Afrique subsaharienne), et vice versa. Une revue systématique sur une période de 25 ans a montré que les personnes handicapées restent dans l’angle mort de la recherche sur l'analyse des politiques en matière d’utilisation des services SSR (article 5). 4) La pratique de la réflexivité tout au long de la recherche a mis en lumière les tensions dans l'application des normes éthiques dans le contexte de la recherche qualitative en santé mondiale avec des personnes handicapées menée dans le Sud (article 6). Conclusion : Ces résultats permettent aux acteurs des politiques à différents niveaux d'agir – maintenant – pour aborder et corriger les iniquités sociales de santé vécues par les personnes handicapées. Le cadre de l'IBPA s'est avéré un outil analytique et théorique utile pour mieux comprendre les questions complexes liées aux politiques et aux vulnérabilités intersectionnelles auxquelles font face les personnes handicapées. Ce cadre pourrait enrichir d’autres cadres existants d’analyse des politiques. La thèse propose deux adaptations théoriques, soit le cadre du IBPA combiné au « Multiple Streams Framework» de Kingdon et au « Policy Triangle Model» de Walt et Gilson pour de futures recherches en santé mondiale sensibles au handicap et axées sur l'analyse des politiques basées sur l'équité. / Introduction: Sexual and reproductive health (SRH) rights are essential to achieve universal health coverage (UHC) for all, including people with disabilities. Uganda emerged from a 20-year armed conflict which created both disability and damage to health systems, especially in the Northern region. One Ugandan in five lives with some disability. Uganda adopted a series of normative tools promoting the rights of people with disabilities. However, their access to SRH services remains limited. More broadly, ableist gendered roles remain pervasive and men and youth with disabilities are less targeted by SRH programmes (Article 1). Health policies and their implementation need deeper contextualised analysis to protect the right to health of people with disabilities. This thesis aimed to examine the perceived and empirical relationships among legislation, health policies, and SRH service utilisation among people with disabilities in post-conflict Northern Uganda. Methods: A sequential exploratory mixed methods design was informed by the Intersectionality-based Policy Analysis (IPBA) framework. First, I conducted a multiple case study with five groups of policy actors (people with disabilities, service providers, disabled people’s organisations, national and international organisations, and national policy-makers). I thematically analysed 45 in-depth interviews and nine focus groups and observed seven health facilities regarding accessibility. Second, I analysed secondary data with multivariable logistic regressions, from the 2006, 2011, and 2016 Uganda Demographic and Health Surveys regarding SRH service use among 15,739 individuals in the decade following the adoption of national legislation promoting the rights of people with disabilities. Third, I conducted a systematic review examining the relationships among legislation, health policies, and SRH service use among vulnerable populations in sub-Saharan Africa (1994-2019). Results: This thesis highlights four main findings. First, the IBPA framework revealed complex relationships among legislation, health policy, and the use of SRH services by people with disabilities in Northern Uganda. These relationships were marked by policy implementation challenges, disability rights violation through multiple barriers to access, and intersecting vulnerabilities experienced by people with disabilities, exacerbated by underlying societal power structures. On one hand, the perceptions of different groups of policy actors converged by emphasising the ongoing SRH inequities faced by people with disabilities (Articles 2 and 3). On the other hand, although SRH service use improved over time, it did not improve equally for everyone. The 10-year SRH service use trend showed nuanced patterns across people with different impairments; notably, richer women with hearing impairments were less likely than poor non-disabled women to have used safe motherhood services (Article 4). Second, despite identifying legislation and policy implementation challenges, the five groups of policy actors suggested several concrete and complementary recommendations to address barriers and operationalise transformative measures, such as disability data collection and budgeting (Articles 2 and 3). Third, research findings at the local level (Uganda) contextualised the findings at the regional level (sub-Saharan Africa), and vice versa. A 25-year systematic review showed that people with disabilities continue to be a blind spot in research on SRH service use and policy analysis (Article 5). Finally, the practice of reflexivity throughout the research revealed tensions in the application of ethics norms in the context of global health qualitative research with people with disabilities conducted in the Global South (Article 6). Conclusion: The IPBA framework proved to be a useful and transformation-oriented analytical tool to disentangle complex policy implementation issues and multiple intersecting vulnerabilities and barriers to SRH service access and utilisation by people with disabilities. This thesis proposes two adapted conceptual frameworks for future disability-sensitive research focusing on equity-focused policy analysis in global health, integrating IBPA with Kingdon’s Policy Streams framework to enhance sensitivity to equity and Walt and Gilson’s Policy Triangle model to enhance sensitivity to the multiple dimensions of (in)equity. The Sustainable Development Goals emphasise inclusiveness and accountability. UHC for all is only possible through transformative action and research to fill knowledge and programmatic gaps, focusing on equity and human and disability rights. This thesis provides evidence enabling policy actors at different levels to act – now – to address and redress the social health inequities experienced by people with disabilities.

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In post-conflict settings real and imagined boundaries do a great deal to determine who is inside and who is outside of state-based narratives of peace and prosperity. Based on case studies in Rwanda and Northern Ireland, I provide an analysis of the post-conflict periods and the impact of neoliberal-styled governance on the dynamics of power. I argue that as power shifted, ‘peace’ also entailed a general social pacification, and prosperity equated to greater private profit. However, top-down social engineering has not contained the entire field of social struggle. I examine micro-level interventions taking place on the margins of mainstream discourse that trouble the moralizing state-narratives that seek to legitimate structural violence. Such spaces facilitate alternative values and practices that contribute to sustained social and cultural resilience, as well as forms of resistance. Post-conflict Rwanda and Northern Ireland have been impacted by both coercive and consensual forms of social engineering. In Rwanda, state-based framework laws and forceful regimes of local implementation rely on stark contingencies of reward and punishment to shape and control behaviour in the public sphere. In Northern Ireland, the power-sharing structure of the Belfast Agreement has reinforced ethnic politics, while depoliticizing and instrumentalizing civil society in support of its neoliberal policies. I present ethnographic research and interviews conducted with community organizations in Northern Ireland (Ikon) and Rwanda (Student Association of Genocide Survivors - AERG) that demonstrates how alternative discourses and practices are emerging in the cracks of these top-down systems. I explore Ikon’s use of creative performances and radical theology to create socially resonant cultural spaces that function as temporary autonomous zones. These TAZs unsettle aspects of individual identity while intentionally seeking to destabilize mainstream power dynamics. Unlike Ikon, AERG faces greater public scrutiny and higher political stakes. They demonstrate an adherence to the dominant social script in the public sphere, while exhibiting micro- level agency through trauma healing, and material support in private day-to-day practices. AERG’s performance in the public sphere creates temporary spaces of encounter that exceed the boundaries of official discourse, making their alternative presence felt while remaining illegible to the dominant surveillance frameworks. / Thesis (Ph.D, Cultural Studies) -- Queen's University, 2014-06-02 11:02:09.033

Depuis plus de deux décennies, un nombre d’Etats africains dits du champ de la Conférence Internationale sur la Région des Grands Lacs sont enlisés dans des conflits armés à la fois intra-étatiques et internationalisés. Du génocide rwandais aux guerres civiles au Congo-Brazzaville, en Angola, en Ouganda, au Burundi, ou encore aux violences politiques armées incessantes en Centrafrique, en passant par la Grande Guerre Africaine en RDC, nombreux et importants sont les mécanismes de résolution de conflits qui ont été expérimentés, de nature aussi bien bilatérale, communautaire, régionale, qu’onusienne. Malheureusement, les concepts de sortie de crise et de reconstruction post-conflit demeurent de vains mots, eu égard aux résurgences et aux prolongements des conflits dans cette Région. Ainsi, en mobilisant l’approche néo-élitiste s’inscrivant dans un dépassement de la réalité empirique, après avoir passé en revue toutes les grandes théories philosophico-politico-sociologiques des élites, défendues par les auteurs classiques comme Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca etc., d’un côté, et en recourant à la théorie de Johan Galtung de paix négative versus paix positive, d’autre part, cette étude se propose de mettre en évidence le rôle des élites dirigeantes dans la dynamique de pacification de la Région. Et après avoir défini et déterminé celles-ci, le travail démontre la difficulté de résoudre les conflits due à l’hétérogénéité sociologique caractérisant la Région. Puis, il souligne les mécanismes de l’entretien d’une paix négative par les élites dirigeantes, en interaction avec les autres protagonistes. / For more than two decades, a number of African States within the scope of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region have sunk into both armed intrastate and domestic conflicts. From the Rwandan genocide to civil wars in Congo-Brazzaville, Angola, Uganda, and Burundi, or the constantly armed political violence in the Central African Republic (CAR), through the Great African War in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), numerous and important mechanisms for conflict resolution have been experienced, bilateral, communitarian, regional, as well as Onusian. Unfortunately, the concepts relative to the end of crisis and post-conflict reconstruction still remain empty words, given the revivals and extensions of conflicts in that Region. Thus, by mobilizing the neo-elitist approach which goes the empirical reality, after reviewing all the major elitist philosophical, political and sociological theories defended by the classical authors such as Wilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, etc. On one hand, and by resorting to Johan Galtung’s theory on negative peace versus positive peace, on the other, this dissertation aims at highlighting the role played by governing Elites in the peace process within the Region. After defining these elites, this monography shows the difficulties of solving conflicts due to the regional sociodemographic heterogeneity. Then, it emphasizes mechanisms for keeping negative peace by the governing Elites, in interaction with other protagonists.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Previous research on post-conflict elections has found several criteria important in determining if an area is ready to hold elections and whether or not it is likely to succeed. Although rarely ranked in any determination of importance, several concepts are present in most post-conflict election research. Additionally, there is not an agreed set of standard criteria upon which success can be assumed. When researching the post-conflict election literature two questions arise: (1) is there a set of criteria established to determine if an area is ready to conduct post-conflict elections, and (2) do all criteria need to be present in order to ensure successful post-conflict elections? Most research agrees on common criteria but highlights or researches one dominant criterion, to which is then often attributed to the success of an election. This is found in Krishna Kumar’s focus on international assistance (Kumar, 1998), Staffan Lindberg’s attribution of success to repetition of the election process (Lindberg, 2006), Paul Collier’s focus on per capita income (Collier, 2009), and Marie-Soleil Frere’s research on post-conflict elections and the media (Frere, 2011). When reviewing multiple research sources, it is likely several factors at various times and in various elections will be credited with being the single source criterion for success. This kind of past research is well supported and conclusively argued, but still fails to provide a scope of understanding outside of a single event. In other words, it is case specific and not comparatively applicable across cases. Although this thesis does not intend to “McDonaldize” (Ritzer, 2009) the process of democratization, it does propose to define a common set of criteria necessary, even if in varying degrees, to conduct successful elections in post-conflict environments.