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WHO´s checklista för säker kirurgi är ett världsomfattande verktyg som implementerats i större delen av världen sedan dess introduktion 2008. Studier visar att korrekt användande av checklistan leder till en minskning av både mortalitet, morbiditet samt postoperativa komplikationer. Trots bevisade fördelar finns fortsatt brister i följsamheten gällande checklistan. Ett stort antal patienter drabbas av skador i samband med kirurgi som skulle kunna undvikas. Vårdskador får konsekvenser för patienter, närstående, personal och samhället som helhet. Syftet med studien var att identifiera faktorer som påverkar operationsteamets användning av WHO´s checklista för säker kirurgi i den perioperativa vården. Metoden som användes var en integrativ litteraturöversikt. 13 vetenskapliga artiklar analyserades med ett integrativt förhållningssätt enligt Whittemore och Knafl (2005). Resultatet visar att faktorer som teamkänsla, utbildning och stöd till personalen påverkar om och i vilken utsträckning WHO´s checklista för säker kirurgi används. Efter analysen framträdde två huvudteman; betydelsen av teamsamverkan för patientsäkert arbete och WHO´s checklista; stöd för patientsäkert arbete. Dessa två huvudteman mynnade ut i fyra subteman. Teamkänsla och kommunikation, samverkan mellan professioner, kompetens och utbildningsbehov samt förbättringsarbete och motsättningar. Operationssjuksköterskan vakar över och skyddar patienten från vårdskador. Checklistan är ett verktyg som lyfter detta. Genom att använda forskning som påvisar faktorer som påverkar användandet av checklistan för säker kirurgi kan implementeringen av rutiner och checklistor inom operationssjukvården underlättas / The Safe surgery checklist by WHO is a worldwide tool that has been implemented in most of the world since its introduction in 2008. Studies show that correct use of it leads to reduction in mortality, morbidity and postoperative complications. Despite proven benefits, there are shortcomings in compliance with the checklist. A large proportion of patients suffer injuries in connection with surgery that could have been avoided. Medical injuries have consequences for patients, relatives, staff and society as a whole. The purpose of this study was to identify factors that influence the surgical team's use of the WHO's checklist for safe surgery in perioperative care. The method was integrative literature review. The 13 scientific articles were analyzed with the integrative approach further developed by Whittemore and Knafl (2005). The results show that factors such as teamspirit, training and supporting the staff are the ones that primarily influence whether and to what extent the checklist will be used. In the analysis, two main themes emerged; The significance of team cooperation as a patient safety measure and the WHO surgical safety checklist as a tool for patient safety work and four sub-themes. The four subthemes were teamspirit and communication, cooperation between professions, competence and educational needs and the last subtheme work improvement with contradictions. The operating room nurse is watching over and protecting the patient from harm in the operating room. The checklist is one tool to highlight this. With research that demonstrates factors that affect use of the Safe surgery checklist any implementation of routines and checklists within the surgery care can be facilitated

<p>In this thesis I argue that it is an implication of the acceptance of the human right to water and the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) that violations of the human right to water can invoke the Responsibility to Protect. Extreme violations of the right to water can invoke the responsibility to react, and ultimately the responsibility to prevent and rebuild. Although this is the case, I argue that the human right to water is unlikely to invoke R2P on its own. Instead, water issues are more likely to compound with issues of poverty, weak political institutions, poor leadership and social tension to create situations that have the potential for mass atrocity. Furthermore, I provide an analysis of the actions that will need to be taken before, during and after an intervention to fulfill the responsibilities to prevent, react and rebuild and the actors that can and/or should take such action.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

År 2005 enades FN’s medlemsländer om ett initiativ vid namn Responsibility to protect. Initiativet baserades på tanken att en stats suveränitet inte är ett privilegium utan ett ansvar och syftade till att förhindra brott mot civilbefolkningar. Brott i form av folkmord, krigsbrott, brott mot mänskligheten och etnisk rensning.Den 17 mars 2011 röstade FN’s säkerhetsråd igenom resolution 1973. Det innebar att en internationell koalition ledda av NATO upprättade en no fly zone över Libyen i syfte att skydda civilbefolkningen från Ghadaffiregimens övergrepp. Detta var första gången som FN och det internationella samfundet motiverat en militär intervention utifrån just Responsibility to protect. Det svenska bidraget till den internationella styrkan bestod av upp till åtta stycken JAS 39 Gripen med personal som endast fick bekämpa luft hot, alltså inte mål på marken. År 2002 när den svenska riksdagen för första gången beslutade att skicka en svensk militär styrka till Afghanistan förelåg inga liknande restriktioner gällande nyttjandet av vapen från de svenska soldaterna.Uppsatsen skall söka svar på huruvida den svenska insatsen i Afghanistan motiverades med samma värderingar som den i Libyen. Detta i syfte att kartlägga och problematisera Responsibility to protects betydelse för det svenska deltagandet i militära insatser. Det kommer genomföras via en kvalitativ, idékritiskt klassificerande textanalys av de riksdagsdebatter som förelåg insatserna med fokus på om värderingar från Responsibility to protect kan spåras i argumentationen.Resultatet är inte helt entydigt men argument med tydlig anknytning till Responsibility to protect påträffas i samtliga debatter som undersökts. Det går även att utröna en förändring i hur riksdagsledamöterna argumenterar för ett svenskt deltagande i en militär insats utomlands före, respektive efter, införandet av Responsibility to Protect. / In the year of 2005 the United Nations decided on an initiative called the Responsibility to Protect. The initiative was based on the thought that the sovereignty of a state isn’t a right, but a privilege. Its purpose was to help prevent crimes against the civilian population. Crimes like genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing.On march 17 2011 the UN security council authorized resolution 1973 which meant that an international NATO lead coalition could establish a no fly zone over Libya. This was done in order to protect the civilian population of Libya from the atrocities and assaults from the Gadhafi regime. This was the first time that the UN and the international community performed a military intervention motivated by the Responsibility to Protect. The Swedish contribution consisted of a force of up to eight JAS 39 Gripen, with personnel that were only authorized to engage targets in the sky, not on the ground. In 2002 the Swedish parliament decided to contribute with Swedish soldiers to Afghanistan. That time with the authorization to use deadly force if they needed to.This essay shall try and answer whether or not the Swedish military operation in Afghanistan was motivated by the same values as the one in Libya. This will be done in order to structure and problematize the concept of the Responsibility to Protect and how it may affect the Swedish contributions to international military interventions. This will be performed through a qualitative analysis of the protocols from the Swedish parliament that authorized and motivated the Swedish operations. The essay will focus on finding traces of values from the Responsibility to Protect from the arguments in the protocols.The results are not crystal clear, but arguments with a distinct connection to the Responsibility to Protect are found in all the protocols that are analyzed. The results of the analysis show a change of patterns in the way the Swedish parliamentarian’s debate for a Swedish contribution in international military operations since the Responsibility to Protect was initiated.

The aim of this thesis is to discuss the concepts of humanitarian intervention and the responsibility to protect (R2P), and; to investigate how best to apply the concepts in the face of humanitarian crises, in order to address concerns about their implementation. The failure of the Security Council to react to grave human rights abuses committed in the humanitarian crises of the 1990s, including Iraq (1991), Somalia (1992), Rwanda (1994), Bosnia (1993-1995) Haiti (1994-1997), and Kosovo (1999),triggered international debatesabout: how the international community should react when the fundamental human rights of populations are grossly and systematically violated within the boundaries of sovereign states, and; the need for a reappraisal of armed humanitarian intervention. Central to the debate was whether the international community should continue to adhere unconditionally to the principle of non-intervention enshrined in Article 2(7) of the UN Charter, or take a different course in the interest of human rights. The debate culminated in the establishment of the Canadian International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) in 2000, with the mandate to find a balance between respect for sovereignty and intervention, for purposes of protecting human rights. Much of the scholarly literature on military intervention for human protection purposes deals with the legality and legitimacy of the military dimension of the concepts. The significance of the thesis is that: it focusesthe investigation on the potential abuse of the use of force for human protection purposes, when moral arguments are used to justify an intervention that is primarily motivated by the interests of the intervener, and; the propensity to use disproportionate force in the attainment of the stated objective of human protection, by powerful intervening states. The central argument of the thesis is that there are double standards, selectivity, abuses, andindiscriminate and disproportionate use of force in the implementation of R2P by powerful countries, and; that, whether a military intervention is unilateral, or sanctioned by the UN Security Council, there is the potential for abuse, and in addition, disproportionate force may be used.The thesis makes recommendations to address these concerns, in order to ensure the survival of the concept. / Public, Constitutional and International Law / LL.D.

Internationally, the debate on business and human rights has evolved within the last decade, with more efforts being made to address the issue of what role corporations play in the human rights domain. The latest international effort to address the issue was the adoption of the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights: Implementing the United Nations “Protect, Respect and Remedy Framework” by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2011. In brief, the Guiding Principles observe that the state must protect human rights, that businesses must respect human rights, and that there should be effective remedies for human rights violations. Locally, the Constitutional Court of South Africa ruled that mineworkers who are eligible to get compensation under the Occupational Diseases in Mines and Works Act had a common law right to sue the employer for injuries sustained at work. This was despite the fact that legislation was put in place to replace the common law liability of an employer for injuries or death sustained at work. On a broader scale, the Guiding Principles then formed the yardstick for the determination of whether there are adequate and effective remedies for human rights violations in the South African mining industry. The investigation essentially leads to the conclusion that the South African state has not fallen short of its duty to protect and to provide sufficient remedies for businessrelated human rights violations in the mining industry. The forums are in place and there is legislation that also provides for compensation as remedies for either injuries or death at work. Some issues of concern are the accessibility of the structures in place to address human rights violations, the disparity between compensation provided for in different legislation, and the lack of a more proactive approach by the Human Rights Commission. / LLM (Import and export Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Internationally, the debate on business and human rights has evolved within the last decade, with more efforts being made to address the issue of what role corporations play in the human rights domain. The latest international effort to address the issue was the adoption of the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights: Implementing the United Nations “Protect, Respect and Remedy Framework” by the United Nations Human Rights Council in 2011. In brief, the Guiding Principles observe that the state must protect human rights, that businesses must respect human rights, and that there should be effective remedies for human rights violations. Locally, the Constitutional Court of South Africa ruled that mineworkers who are eligible to get compensation under the Occupational Diseases in Mines and Works Act had a common law right to sue the employer for injuries sustained at work. This was despite the fact that legislation was put in place to replace the common law liability of an employer for injuries or death sustained at work. On a broader scale, the Guiding Principles then formed the yardstick for the determination of whether there are adequate and effective remedies for human rights violations in the South African mining industry. The investigation essentially leads to the conclusion that the South African state has not fallen short of its duty to protect and to provide sufficient remedies for businessrelated human rights violations in the mining industry. The forums are in place and there is legislation that also provides for compensation as remedies for either injuries or death at work. Some issues of concern are the accessibility of the structures in place to address human rights violations, the disparity between compensation provided for in different legislation, and the lack of a more proactive approach by the Human Rights Commission. / LLM (Import and export Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Legal protective instruments on tax administration Abstract. The goal of this diploma thesis is to analyse individual legal protective instruments on tax administration as well as basic principles of tax administration, relevant case law of administrative courts and Constitutional court of Czech republic, while using deductive, analytic and comparative methods. During the time I was solving this diploma thesis I performed the analysis of protective instruments on tax administration as well as basic principles of tax administration, relevant case law of administrative courts and Constitutional court of Czech republic. The structure of this diploma thesis was chosen in order to reach the goal of this diploma thesis. The first chapter named 'Tax administration' includes the definition of the concept of tax administration, description of object of the tax administration and tax administrator, analysis of individual basic principles of tax administration and the relation of Czech Tax administrative code and Administrative code. The second chapter named 'The legal protective instruments on tax administration' contains the definition of the legal protective instruments, classification of the legal protective instruments into four different classes: Ordinary protective instruments, Extraordinary protective...

Sous l’angle du droit international, la responsabilité de protéger est traditionnellement analysée dans le but de déterminer sa portée normative. L’attrait de la doctrine internationaliste pour la question de la normativité du principe et l’indifférence habituelle du droit international vis-à-vis du système politique des États ont fini par confiner les développements sous les prismes parfois trop réducteurs du droit international et des relations internationales. Cette recherche entend proposer une perspective différente en prenant le contre-pied de cette approche classique. Elle aborde la problématique de la responsabilité de protéger non plus seulement sous l’angle des intervenants tiers à l’État défaillant, mais également, et surtout sous celui de cet État lui-même et de sa population. Il s’agit donc de revisiter la façon d’appréhender la responsabilité de protéger afin de montrer que le droit international n’est plus indifférent face aux systèmes politiques des États — a fortiori en crise. En interrogeant le lien entre la responsabilité de protéger et le système politique de l’État, l’analyse aboutit irrémédiablement à la conclusion selon laquelle la responsabilité de protéger est « enchassée » dans de normes qui ne sont pas exclusivement juridiques et qu’il convient dorénavant d’analyser en réseau. L’étude propose donc désormais de la qualifier de norme de congruence dès lors qu’elle conduit à apprécier la valeur juridique d’une règle de droit en tenant compte des différentes influences contenues dans celle-ci / From the perspective of international law, the responsibility to protect is traditionally analyzed in order to determine its normative scope. The attractiveness of the internationalist doctrine for the question of the normativity of the principle and the habitual indifference of international law to the political system of States ended up confining developments to the sometimes overly simplistic prisms of international law and international relations.This research intends to propose a different perspective by taking a contrary view of this classic approach. It addresses the issue of the responsibility to protect not only the point of view of third parties to the failed state, but also, and above all, the State itself and its population. It is therefore a question of revisiting the approach of apprehending the responsibility to protect in order to show that international law is no longer indifferent to the political systems of the States - let alone in crisis.In questioning the link between the responsibility to protect and the state's political system, the analysis leads irreparably to the conclusion that the responsibility to protect is “enshrined” in norms that are not exclusively legal and that currently analyze in the network. The study therefore proposes to define it as an norme de congruence since it leads to the assessment of the legal value of a rule of law taking into account the different influences contained in it

This dissertation scrutinises two related claims that were particularly heightened in 2009 as the European Union (EU) was celebrating the first tenth anniversary of its European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), the implementing arm of its Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). First, the two policy frameworks allegedly embodied sufficient added value for bettering EU intervention for human protection purposes in third places. Second, the ESDP supposedly enabled the EU to make a difference in its response to two bloody wars that broke out in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DR Congo) successively in 1996 and 1998. This thesis argues that the alleged added value and difference have been overstated at best. While various studies have taken a similar position, they have important shortcomings for at least four reasons: lack of a comprehensive account of the CFSP motives, capacities, and response; exclusive focus on civil and military operations; focus on the post-Second Congo War period; and a lack of conceptual clarity regarding two key terms – ‘conflict resolution’ and ‘peacebuilding’. This thesis goes beyond generalisation and undertakes a forensic examination of the CFSP statements, decisions, and actions precisely through the lens of Conflict Resolution (CR): a specific subject area of study with its own normative, theoretical, and practical advantages and shortcomings; and with a more comprehensive and indeed seminal conceptualisation of peacebuilding. The outcome is a far more nuanced assessment of failure and success of the EU’s peace endeavours in this context than can be obtained through a broad-brush approach to analysis.