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Most fish species tend to feed on larger prey as their size increases. The lack of suitable prey during critical periods of their life can prevent them from shifting their diet to larger prey and also from reaching larger body sizes. In this study, we compared the energy budget of lake trout ( Salvelinus namaycush) populations with contrasting food webs. Non-piscivorous lake trout (NPLT) populations reached a much smaller size and grew at a much slower rate than picivorous lake trout (PLT) populations. Food consumption rates were on average, 2--3 times higher in NPLT when they were expressed on a wet weight basis. However, only a slight difference in their energy intake was detected (less than 10%) once consumption rates were corrected for differences in prey caloric content. Growth efficiency was about two times lower in NPLT compared to PLT, while their metabolic costs were higher and assimilation efficiency was lower. It is most likely that the increased metabolic costs were associated with higher foraging costs, since more feeding attempts must be made to acquire a given quantity of food when fish are feeding on smaller prey. Furthermore, the portion of indigestible matter is likely to be higher in the diet of NPLT than in PLT (e.g. chitin versus bone). These results are consistent with theoretical models of fish growth that have showed that lake trout must have access to larger prey, even if they are rare, to reach larger body sizes. Our study also illustrates how the restructuring of a prey community by the arrival of an exotic species into a food web could alter the growth rate of a top predator. Furthermore, our study suggests that age at first maturity is influenced by growth efficiency in indigenous populations of fish. Therefore, the dynamic of a population and its vulnerability to exploitation are likely to be influenced by their energy allocation strategy.

This thesis analyses the development of provincial Toryism during the period from the end of the Napoleonic wars in 1815 to the passage of the Reform Acts in 1832, examining the beliefs, organisations, and actions of local Tories particularly in some large British towns. In the early nineteenth century, the existence of two parties, Tory and Whig, became a major feature of parliamentary politics, and local political associations supporting each of them were gradually organised and became powerful and influential in urban centres. Local Tories expressed their opinions and acted together in order to support the Tory party in Parliament. They found support in different regions, and developed a recognisable network and identity in various British towns. Like parliamentary Tories, however, they were not completely coherent in their ideology nor entirely agreed in what policies to pursue. They were ‘issue-oriented’ associations, which were loosely connected with each other. They sometimes acted independently and flexibly, lacked complete unity, and were not controlled by the national party at Westminster. Taking these circumstances into consideration, this thesis attempts to reveal how national and local politics were connected, and some of the most important aspects of local Tory politics particularly in terms of identity and organisation Chapter One examines the political ideology of local Tories, by looking at the provincial Tory press published in Bristol, Colchester, and Edinburgh in particular. Chapter Two investigates Tory clubs and societies, such as the Pitt Clubs, the True Blue Clubs, the King and Constitution Clubs, the Brunswick Clubs, and the Orange Lodges, which were widely and deeply entrenched in British urban communities. Chapter Three examines Tory electoral politics in three large, open, freeman boroughs: Liverpool, Bristol, and Colchester. It analyses the political opinions and actions of the electors and non-electors and investigates the extent and the ways in which national issues impacted on these urban constituencies. Chapter Four also examines the impact of national issues on local Tory politics, but does so by presenting a case study of the involvement of local Liverpool Tories in such significant provincial political arenas as Corporation politics, mayoral elections, and public meetings. The Conclusion stresses the importance of the diverse and flexible reactions of provincial Tories to various political events occurring in the localities as well as at Westminster.

FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / Este trabalho analisa as relaÃÃes polÃticas entre o Estado imperial brasileiro e as elites da regiÃo do AcaraÃ, no CearÃ, entre 1834 a 1846. Nosso objetivo principal foi, por tanto, buscar estender as formas do entÃo nascente Estado brasileiro chegar ao sertÃo. Para tanto, nos voltamos para um estudo da polÃtica nacional, provincial e local, buscando as relaÃÃes entre as distintas esferas de poder e da polÃtica de alianÃa do governo do Rio de Janeiro com as elites das vilas, bem como entender as especificidades dos entÃo nascentes partidos polÃticos na ProvÃncia do CearÃ.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / A elite polÃtica cearense, na dÃcada de 1870, passa por mudanÃas em sua composiÃÃo e representaÃÃo como tambÃm muda em termos de discurso e aÃÃo. Ela à parte ativa de um processo que marca significativamente esse perÃodo, que pode ser representado pela expansÃo agrÃcola do algodÃo, pela proximidade da provÃncia com o mercado internacional, pela discussÃo acerca da Lei do Ventre Livre e pelas provaÃÃes provocadas pela polÃtica-crise e pela seca-crise. A elite polÃtica cearense acomodava-se nos cargos eletivos de maior importÃncia e nos altos cargos do executivo, e travava uma batalha aguerrida optando pela hoste liberal ou conservadora. A batalha tinha uma arena privilegiada, a imprensa. Os assuntos preferidos dos debates eram a polÃtica, o governo e a associaÃÃo imprÃpria do pÃblico com o privado. Ao final da dÃcada de 1870, os debates polÃticos se voltaram para a polÃtica-crise e para a seca-crise que durante trÃs anos, 1877-79, assolou a provÃncia do Cearà e outras do norte do ImpÃrio. A seca provocou uma relaÃÃo diferenciada entre a provÃncia do Cearà e o governo imperial. Devido a essa proximidade diferenciada entre o nacional e o provincial, imagens e espaÃos comeÃaram a ser definidos, marcando a elite, o povo e suas relaÃÃes sociais, polÃticas e econÃmicas. A elite polÃtica cearense, para orientar suas aÃÃes, articula-se e opta por um discurso estratÃgico que ressaltava a crise. / The political elite of CearÃ, in the decade of 1870, suffer changes in its composition and representation and changes in terms of speech and action as well. It is an active part of a process that marks significantly this period, that can be represented by the agricultural expansion of cotton, by the proximity of the province with the international market, by the quarrel concerning the Law of the Free Belly and by the trials provoked by the politics-crisis and the drought-crisis. The political elite of Cearà was accomodated in the most important elective posts and in the high posts of the executive, and joined a warlike battled choosing the liberal or the conservative troop. The battle had a privileged stage, the press. The favorite subjects of the debates were politics, the government and the unsuitable association of the public thing with the private one. At the end of the decade of 1870, the political discussions turned on the politics-crisis and the drought-crisis that during three years, 1877-79, devastated the province of Cearà and others of the north of the Empire. The drought provoked a differentiated relationship between the province of Cearà and the imperial government. Due to this differentiated proximity between the national thing and the provincial, images and spaces begun to be defined, marking the social elite, the people and its social, economical and political relations. The political elite of CearÃ, to guide its action, articulates itself and chooses a strategic speech that emphasized the crisis.

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O estudo da moeda contribui para a compreensão da dinâmica do Antigo Sistema Colonial. Entre Portugal e Brasil, no seiscentos, ocorria uma evasão monetária em virtude, sobretudo, das vantagens comerciais fundadas no exclusivo metropolitano. Esta evasão foi agravada pela lei de 4 de agosto de 1688, que determinava um aumento de 20% no valor extrínseco das moedas portuguesas e que as patacas espanholas deveriam correr a peso pela razão de 100 réis a oitava. O objetivo da lei era combater o cerceio e evitar a evasão monetária na metrópole. Entretanto, no Brasil, cujo meio circulante era composto predominantemente por patacas cerceadas, houve resistências, insatisfações e até motins contra a implementação da lei, que diminuiria o valor extrínseco do dinheiro dos moradores na colônia. O governador-geral Câmara Coutinho publicou e fez cumprir a lei, o que intensificou ainda mais o escoamento de moedas do Brasil para Portugal, acentuando ainda mais as dificuldades dos senhores de engenho e lavradores, num momento crítico da produção açucareira. Quando a escassez de dinheiro comprometeu a arrecadação, ordenou-se a fundação da Casa da Moeda na Bahia para produção de moedas provinciais. / The study of currency contributes to the understanding of the dynamics of the Old Colonial System. Between Portugal and Brazil in the seventeenth century, there was a evasion of coins due mainly to commercial advantages based on metropolitan exclusive. This evasion was intensified by the law of August 4th, 1688, which determined an increase of 20% in the extrinsic value of the Portuguese coins, and that the Spanish patacas should run by the weight ratio of 100 reis by one eighth. The purpose of the law was to combat the curtailment and prevent the evasion of coins in the metropolis. However, in Brazil, whose currency was composed predominantly by curtailed patacas, there were resistances, dissatisfaction and even riots against the implementation of the law, which would decrease the extrinsic value of the money of the residents in the colony. The general governor Câmara Coutinho published and did comply with the law, which further intensified the flow of coins from Brazil to Portugal, further accentuating the difficulties of the senhores de engenho and lavradores, at a critical moment in sugar production. When the money shortage undertook the tax collection, it was ordered the founding of the Mint in Bahia for the production of provincial coins.

O estudo da moeda contribui para a compreensão da dinâmica do Antigo Sistema Colonial. Entre Portugal e Brasil, no seiscentos, ocorria uma evasão monetária em virtude, sobretudo, das vantagens comerciais fundadas no exclusivo metropolitano. Esta evasão foi agravada pela lei de 4 de agosto de 1688, que determinava um aumento de 20% no valor extrínseco das moedas portuguesas e que as patacas espanholas deveriam correr a peso pela razão de 100 réis a oitava. O objetivo da lei era combater o cerceio e evitar a evasão monetária na metrópole. Entretanto, no Brasil, cujo meio circulante era composto predominantemente por patacas cerceadas, houve resistências, insatisfações e até motins contra a implementação da lei, que diminuiria o valor extrínseco do dinheiro dos moradores na colônia. O governador-geral Câmara Coutinho publicou e fez cumprir a lei, o que intensificou ainda mais o escoamento de moedas do Brasil para Portugal, acentuando ainda mais as dificuldades dos senhores de engenho e lavradores, num momento crítico da produção açucareira. Quando a escassez de dinheiro comprometeu a arrecadação, ordenou-se a fundação da Casa da Moeda na Bahia para produção de moedas provinciais. / The study of currency contributes to the understanding of the dynamics of the Old Colonial System. Between Portugal and Brazil in the seventeenth century, there was a evasion of coins due mainly to commercial advantages based on metropolitan exclusive. This evasion was intensified by the law of August 4th, 1688, which determined an increase of 20% in the extrinsic value of the Portuguese coins, and that the Spanish patacas should run by the weight ratio of 100 reis by one eighth. The purpose of the law was to combat the curtailment and prevent the evasion of coins in the metropolis. However, in Brazil, whose currency was composed predominantly by curtailed patacas, there were resistances, dissatisfaction and even riots against the implementation of the law, which would decrease the extrinsic value of the money of the residents in the colony. The general governor Câmara Coutinho published and did comply with the law, which further intensified the flow of coins from Brazil to Portugal, further accentuating the difficulties of the senhores de engenho and lavradores, at a critical moment in sugar production. When the money shortage undertook the tax collection, it was ordered the founding of the Mint in Bahia for the production of provincial coins.

This study sets out to examine whether the "new'' provincial governments in South Africa are in practice functioning as "quasi-federal" power bases. The study starts with an appraisal of the core constitutional concepts critical to provincial government as a prelude to the enquiry into the practical status of the provincial governments. An enquiry is made into the application of certain provisions of the interim Constitution pertaining to provincial government. Thereafter certain provisions of the final Constitution pertaining to provincial government are compared with the corresponding provisions of the interim Constitution. The issue of provincial powers in practice and the problems experienced by provincial governments are also dealt with. The study concludes that provincial governments are currently not functioning as "quasi-federal" power bases and that it is even doubtful whether that situation will present itself in the foreseeable future. / Law / LL. M.