Several studies have been conducted to determine implicit perceptions of race. The purpose of this study was to determine whether or not individuals, when provided with a limited amount of time and limited information, would rate a borderline aggressive play in an athletic setting as being more severe based on the race of the aggressor. Participants (N = 16) were from one mid-sized, Midwestern University. Data were analyzed using an Three-way mixed effects ANOVA with the level of significance set at .05. Results indicated there was no significant difference between race and perceptions of athlete aggression. Furthermore, no significant relationship was found between the race of the individual being aggressed against and the rating of the aggressiveness of the play. Possible limitations along with recommendations for the future are discussed. / School of Physical Education, Sport, and Exercise Science

Theodore Parker was one of the leading intellectuals and militant abolitionists of the antebellum era who has been largely overlooked by modern scholars. He was a leading Transcendentalist intellectual and was also one of the most militant leaders of the abolitionist movement. Despite his fervent abolitionism, his writings reveal an attitude that today we would call racist or white supremacist. Some scholars have argued that Parker's motivation for abolishing slavery was to redeem the Anglo-Saxon race from the sin of slavery. I will dispute this claim and explore Parker's true understanding of race. How he could both believe in the supremacy of the white race, and at the same time, militantly oppose African slavery. Parker was influenced by the racial "science" of his era which supported the superiority of the Caucasian race. Conversely he also believed that everyone, including African slaves, had human dignity.

PRESENTE EN EL MUSEO | absent in the museum was a performance installation exhibited at the 2016 MFA Thesis Exhibition. The project archived studio practice methodologies that question the current stasis of art academia's indifference to alternative art theory originating from other sources of knowledge besides that of the male Eurocentric art canon. I, as the artist, executed an experiment to combat and envision a bridge between multiple realities proving they can coexist creating a joint effort in providing modernization of contemporary art. This thesis paper is an accompaniment to the visual performance art component.

The Romani are a group of individuals that have been acknowledged in newspapers, television, movies and other forms of media but remain invisible as a people world-wide. Through the use of qualitative interviews, content analysis and qualitative synthesis, this study investigates why this phenomenon occurs in the United States as well as Europe. Overall, it was found that media portrayals negatively impact the Romani’s ability to successfully acculturate, increases their experiences of prejudice and discrimination and negatively impacts their social, physical and mental health. Romani media portrayals also appropriate the Romani’s ability to define themselves to mainstream society and impacts their identity development.

Magister Artium - MA / The legacy of apartheid is one that has left traces of racial oppression and inequitable distribution of state resources across the landscape of the country. Cape Town in particular is a city of many contrasts with grand residential estates often tucked far away from decaying townships and forgotten slums outside of the CBD. One particular domain that epitomizes the continuing inequality between racial groups is that of education. Even though South Africa officially achieved independence in 1994, little is known about changes in the status quo at many formerly white schools. The all-girls high school of Sans Souci Girls High School (SSGHS) in Cape Town recently came to light as a site of conflict and tension with learners taking to Twitter to voice their anger towards what they deemed as unfair and racialized practices at the school. This thesis investigates the protest of young black learners at SSGHS, with particular focus on the languages used, videos and images uploaded as well as the complementary and contradictory online press releases. The study further explores the ways in which racialized and gendered practices are resemiotized and (re)contextualised through the protest. The use of online platforms such as Twitter and the emergence of protests at institutions across South Africa has become a regular feature of South African media reports. Under the banner of decolonizing education, many of these anti-establishment movements have become quite effective in getting their voices heard, both locally and internationally. Of interest to this study is whether and how the protest at Sans Souci fits into a larger paradigm of decolonizing education and furthermore, what these protests contribute to a larger conversation regarding gender, racial tensions and naturalised racialized discourses and practices at formerly white schools. It is hoped that a multimodal discourse analysis of images, videos and comments online will provide much-needed information about the semiotics of protest and transformation at the school as they emerge on the internet.

<p>Some philosophers (Blum 2002 and Anderson 2010) have argued that ‘racism’ and ‘racist’ have been used so widely that they have lost their conceptual potency and are no longer effective moral evaluations. For this reason, they think we should use other terms to identify racial injustices. It is the goal of this dissertation to argue against this conclusion. In Chapter 2, I develop tools for diagnosing the individualist versus structuralist debate within philosophical accounts of racism. I use these tools to show that both individualists and structuralists are committed to entity type monism or the view that only certain kinds of entities can be racist. I reject this view and argue for entity type pluralism. In Chapter 3, I move from entity type pluralism to develop an account of the application conditions for the predicate ‘racist’ that tell us when and why we should apply the predicate to particular entities. These two chapters serve to clarify RACISM. In Chapter 4, I develop new resources for understanding moral responsibility for racism, specifically for how agents can be held accountable for intervening upon racist non-agential entities like norms, policies, and institutions. I call these resources “oblique blame” and “intervention-sensitive moral responsibility.” Intervention-sensitive moral responsibility gives way to a problem. Given the ways in which our current epistemic practices exclude the testimony of People of Color, we will have a hard time knowing when we are responsible in this intervention-sensitive way. I call this the Knowledge Problem. In Chapter 5, I bring together the literature on epistemic oppression and the empirically-informed norms literature to show that interventions into epistemic norms help solve this problem. I provide four candidate norms from activist and organizing communities as examples. Taken together, this dissertation shows that we need not discontinue our use of ‘racism’ and ‘racist’ and that the terms can be used effectively to hold each other accountable toward anti-racist aims and a liberated future.</p>

Thesis advisor: Anderson J. Franklin / Referencing Ralph Waldo Ellison's 1952 novel Invisible Man, psychologist Anderson J. Franklin has proposed that the "invisibility" detailed in Ellison's work--the experience of having one's true sense of self rendered invisible by racial stereotypes--is not only a very real experience encountered by Black men in contemporary society, but one that can serve to confound their relationships and personal sense of agency. To better understand the experience of invisibility, the current study utilizes a multiple-case, case study approach to analyze several videotaped sessions of a therapeutic support group organized specifically to address race-related stressors in the lives of the Black male participants. The transcripts of each session are analyzed using Critical Discourse Analysis, an analytical approach that investigates actors' language, its implicit meanings and assumptions, and the manner in which it reflects power differentials operative in society. The findings of the study reveal the presence of an intra-racial, as well as an internalized form of invisibility not currently found in the literature pertaining to Franklin's theory of invisibility. Further, the current study expands our understanding of how invisibility is experienced by Black men by identifying a variety of strategies used by members of the support group to counter those experiences and become "seen." Finally, the fact that the group was largely comprised of college-educated, professional Black men yields valuable insights regarding the race-related, emotional functioning of an infrequently studied population. The study's findings are discussed in terms of their implications for group as well as individual mental health service delivery for Black men. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Counseling, Developmental and Educational Psychology.

O estudo responde às seguintes perguntas: quais foram as etapas que levaram à ruptura entre Pierre-André Taguieff e a esquerda intelectual antirracista francesa? Em qual medida essa ruptura pode nos fornecer elementos de compreensão da história do antirracismo na França, em particular no caso do antirracismo dos intelectuais, desde os anos 1970 até a década de 2010? O primeiro capítulo focaliza as fontes, a metodologia história das ideias e história do tempo presente, a historiografia do racismo e do antirracismo , e enfim P.-A. Taguieff, historiador das ideias racistas, um aspecto de sua obra que será deixado de lado no resto do trabalho. A década de 1980 é o tema do capítulo II. P.-A. Taguieff se torna famoso por suas análises dos discursos da chamada Nouvelle Droite e do Front National, partido que propôs o conceito de nacional-populismo. Avança um modelo ideal-típico da confrontação racismo antirracismo: o antirracismo diferencialista confrontar-se-ia prioritariamente com o racismo universalista, e o antirracismo universalista com o racismo diferencialista. O assunto do capítulo III é a tentativa por P.-A. Taguieff de pensar um antirracismo republicano na década de 1990; isto é articulado à noção de nação cívica, e não étnica. É essa evolução que o leva a romper com a maioria da esquerda política e intelectual. No final dessa década, inicia uma reflexão aprofundada sobre a noção de progresso e sobre o progressismo, que interpretamos como uma reflexão sobre os motivos de sua própria ruptura com a esquerda. Os capítulos IV e V se referem aos anos posteriores a 2000. No capítulo IV, abordamos a querela da nova judeofobia, isto é, o papel fundamental jogado por P.-A. Taguieff na identificação da difusão de um novo racismo judeófobo na França. Estudamos as reações hostis, essencialmente por parte de intelectuais de esquerda preocupados com a necessidade de não estigmatizar os jovens. No capítulo V, evocamos dimensões do debate contemporâneo na França em torno do racismo e do antirracismo. Mostramos que o antirracismo deixou de ser um universo intelectual e político coerente. Ao contrário, dividiu-se e, portanto, se enfraqueceu. Esta divisão e este enfraquecimento contribuem a explicar uma parte uma parte somente das evoluções eleitorais recentes da França. Enfim, o capítulo VI, conclusivo, se interroga sinteticamente sobre o que evoluiu e o que não evoluiu na reflexão e na produção intelectual de P.-A. Taguieff. Concluímos, primeiro, que P-A. Taguieff ficou fiel a uma concepção patriótica do antirracismo, enraizada da tradição do republicanismo francês, exatamente a tradição que muitas correntes da esquerda política e intelectual pretendem ultrapassar, em nome do multiculturalismo, do cosmopolitismo, da convergência das lutas; e, segundo, que desde os primeiros textos suas intervenções no debate público visam a defender a pluralidade das ideias, condição da existência de uma verdadeira esfera do debate público. / This study answers the following questions: What were the steps that led to the rupture between Pierre-André Taguieff and the French intellectual antiracist Left? To what extent can this split provide us with elements to understand the history of anti-racism in France, in particular in the case of the anti-racism of intellectuals from the seventies to the 2010 decade? The first chapter focuses on the sources, the methodology - the history of ideas and the history of present times, the historiography of racism and anti-racism - and at last, P.-A. Taguieff, the historian of racist ideas, an aspect of his work that will be left aside in the rest of the paper. The 1980 decade is the theme of chapter II. P.-A. Taguieff becomes famous for his analysis of the discourses of the so-called New Right and the National Front. To describe this party, he proposes the national-populist concept. He advances a typical ideal model of confrontation of racism - anti-racism: the differentialist anti-racism would, by way of priority, oppose itself to the universalist racism, and universalist anti-racism to the differentialist racism. Chapter III is about P.-A. Taguieff\'s attempt to consider a republican anti-racism in the 1990 decade, i.e., articulated around the notion of a civic nation, not ethnic. It is this evolution that leads him to break off with the majority of the intellectual political Left. At the end of this decade, he starts deepening his reflection on the notion of progress and progressivism, which we interpret as a reflection about the motives of his own breach with the Left. Chapters IV and V refer to the years after 2000. In chapter IV, we approach the quarrel of the \"new judeophobia\", i.e., the fundamental role played by P.-A. Taguieff in identifying the diffusion of a new judeophobic racism in France. We study the hostile reactions, mostly from Left intellectuals worried about the need of not stigmatizing youth. In chapter V, we evoke the dimensions of the contemporary debate in France around racism and anti-racism. We show that anti-racism ceased to be a coherent intellectual and political universe. On the contrary, it became divided and thus, weakened. This division and weakening contribute to explain - only partly however - the recent electoral evolution in France. Finally, chapter VI, conclusively, interrogates itself synthetically about what evolved or not in P.-A. Taguieff\'s reflection and intellectual production. We conclude, firstly, that P-A. Taguieff remained loyal to a patriotic anti-racist conception, rooted in the tradition of the French republicanism, precisely the tradition that many political and intellectual Left currents intend to leave behind, in the name of multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism and the \"convergence of the fights\"; and secondly, that from the very first texts, their interventions in the public debate aim at defending the plurality of ideas, the condition for the existence of a true public debate sphere.

This thesis adopts the methodology of systems theory to examine the limits of anti-discrimination law. The sociology of Niklas Luhmann, alongside extensions provided by Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze, is applied to construct a versatile re-description of anti-discrimination law. This is an innovative approach because it articulates the social basis for discrimination alongside a legal picture of anti-discrimination within the same theoretical framework. By considering each side of this discrimination/anti-discrimination equation the capacity of law to address discrimination is put into question. The difficulty of providing a philosophically sound explanation for discrimination involves a legitimate academic question, but it also indicates its limitation. This thesis argues that this difficultly reflects a genuine divergence between the social meaning of discrimination and the ability of moral philosophy to comprehend this phenomenon. Racism is analyzed as a confluence of moral, artistic, and mass mediated communications; it is communicated through inconsistency and complex repetition. This confluence is described by tracing societal differentiations and self-descriptions, as developed by Luhmann, with an emphasis on the history of manners as a precursor to modern racism. The legal picture of anti-discrimination presented here is divided into argumentation and decision. Firstly, the description of direct and indirect discrimination in terms of justice is questioned through an examination of argumentative limits, with legal liability being re-interpreted in the light of how concepts and interests inform argumentation. Secondly, the validity of a decision is analyzed as a separate problem for anti-discrimination law. The jurisprudence of the positivist Joseph Raz is criticized from the perspective of a Luhmannian theorization of law as symbolically valid decisions. This thesis constructs an explanatory framework that redraws the limitations of anti-discrimination law by revealing [1] how racism is a protean social phenomenon, and [2] that separation of the legal understanding of anti-discrimination law into discrete streams exposes the concrete limitations available for engaging issues of justiciability.

O presente trabalho busca investigar de que maneira os livros de Sociologia do Programa Nacional do Livro Didático (2015) abordam a temática étnico-racial no que concerne à população negra brasileira. Através do suporte estabelecido pelas políticas de ações afirmativas na área da Educação e da legislação em vigor – artigo 26-A da LDB – a pesquisa pretende verificar de que forma as Ciências Sociais têm elaborado estudos e compreensões referentes à questão racial na confecção do material didático destinado ao Ensino Médio. Nesse sentido, a pesquisa parte do respectivo problema: os livros didáticos limitam-se a apresentar o “lugar de negro” na literatura sociológica e na sociedade brasileira, ou permitem ir além e evidenciam o “negro como lugar” na Sociologia, sujeito político e integrante da nação brasileira? A posicionalidade do intelectual negro integra a produção de conhecimentos sociológicos, sobretudo no que se refere aos estudos das relações étnico-raciais? A partir de conceitos/categorias engendradas através do referencial teórico sustentado por autores negros da Sociologia – Guerreiro Ramos e Clóvis Moura –, constituímos o caminho metodológico da Análise Crítica do Discurso, pois permite investigar junto ao material empírico em que medida a “práxis negra” se apresenta como ferramenta pedagógica na produção de conhecimento sociológico destinada aos jovens e adultos do Ensino Médio. A concepção crítica de ideologia de John B. Thompson também nos inspira metodologicamente, pois auxilia-nos a verificar as relações de poder e dominação que podem aparecer nos livros didáticos, caracterizando ideologia como o “sentido a serviço do poder”, e propondo uma análise crítica para desmascarar esse sentido. No contexto/delimitação deste trabalho, trata-se de sentidos que possam reforçar e (re)produzir os padrões institucionalizados que subordinam historicamente a população negra brasileira, razão que nos levou a construir essa Análise Crítica do Discurso à luz de uma Sociologia da “práxis negra”. / The present work investigates how sociology textbooks from the "National Textbook Program" (2015) approaches racial-ethnic themes concerning the black Brazilian population. Through the support established by affirmative actions polices in areas of education and legislation in force - article 26-A of LDB - the research intends to verify in which way social sciences has elaborated studies and comprehensions about the racial issue in the making of textbooks for High Schools. Therefore, this work starts from the respective problem: textbooks are limited to presenting the "place of black" in sociological literature and in Brazilian society, or do they allow us to go beyond and highlight the "black as a place position" in Sociology, black population as political agent and member of the Brazilian nation? Does the positionality of the black intellectual integrate the production of sociological knowledge, especially concerning the study of ethnic-racial relations? From the concepts and categories generated through the theoretical framework supported by black authors of Sociology – such as Guerreiro Ramos and Clóvis Moura – we constitute the methodological path of Critical Discourse Analysis, since it allows investigating with the empirical material to what extent "black praxis" is present as a pedagogical tool in the production of sociological knowledge destined to young people and adults of brazilian High School. The critical conception of ideology of John B. Thompson also inspires us methodologically, as it helps us to verify the relations of power and domination that can appear in textbooks, characterizing ideology as the "sense in the service of power" and proposing a critical analysis to unmask this meaning. In the context and delimitation of this work, these are meanings that can reinforce and (re)produce the institutionalized patterns that historically subordinate the brazilian black population, which led us to construct this Critical Discourse Analysis in the light of a Sociology of “Black Praxis”.