Although scholars have explored the role of emotions, specifically White guilt and shame, in combating racism, there is a dearth of research available regarding differences between White guilt and shame, and measures available that independently assess these emotions in relation to White racism. The purpose of this study was to test a model of White Guilt and White shame as distinct forms of racial affect that serve to promote anti-racism (N=881). The White Guilt and White Shame model, tested using structural equation modeling, hypothesized that combined aspects of White guilt and White shame proneness, collective White guilt (e.g., group based culpability) and motivation processes to respond without racism (e.g., internal, external) would serve to challenge the development of colorblindness and fear of people of color, while fostering greater empathy and willingness to combat racism. Although the proposed hypotheses were moderately supported, and an overall acceptable model fit was found, two modifications were made to White Shame within the original proposed model in accordance with theory and empirical findings. Results from this study indicated that White guilt proneness, collective White guilt, and internal motivation to respond without racism loaded on the factor White Guilt, while White shame proneness, collective White guilt, and external motivation to respond without prejudice loaded on the factor White shame. Furthermore, results also provided sufficient evidence that White Guilt and White Shame have a positive effect on reducing colorblindness and promoting racial empathy, rather than fear. Limitations, clinical implications, and further directions of research are discussed.

O estudo responde às seguintes perguntas: quais foram as etapas que levaram à ruptura entre Pierre-André Taguieff e a esquerda intelectual antirracista francesa? Em qual medida essa ruptura pode nos fornecer elementos de compreensão da história do antirracismo na França, em particular no caso do antirracismo dos intelectuais, desde os anos 1970 até a década de 2010? O primeiro capítulo focaliza as fontes, a metodologia história das ideias e história do tempo presente, a historiografia do racismo e do antirracismo , e enfim P.-A. Taguieff, historiador das ideias racistas, um aspecto de sua obra que será deixado de lado no resto do trabalho. A década de 1980 é o tema do capítulo II. P.-A. Taguieff se torna famoso por suas análises dos discursos da chamada Nouvelle Droite e do Front National, partido que propôs o conceito de nacional-populismo. Avança um modelo ideal-típico da confrontação racismo antirracismo: o antirracismo diferencialista confrontar-se-ia prioritariamente com o racismo universalista, e o antirracismo universalista com o racismo diferencialista. O assunto do capítulo III é a tentativa por P.-A. Taguieff de pensar um antirracismo republicano na década de 1990; isto é articulado à noção de nação cívica, e não étnica. É essa evolução que o leva a romper com a maioria da esquerda política e intelectual. No final dessa década, inicia uma reflexão aprofundada sobre a noção de progresso e sobre o progressismo, que interpretamos como uma reflexão sobre os motivos de sua própria ruptura com a esquerda. Os capítulos IV e V se referem aos anos posteriores a 2000. No capítulo IV, abordamos a querela da nova judeofobia, isto é, o papel fundamental jogado por P.-A. Taguieff na identificação da difusão de um novo racismo judeófobo na França. Estudamos as reações hostis, essencialmente por parte de intelectuais de esquerda preocupados com a necessidade de não estigmatizar os jovens. No capítulo V, evocamos dimensões do debate contemporâneo na França em torno do racismo e do antirracismo. Mostramos que o antirracismo deixou de ser um universo intelectual e político coerente. Ao contrário, dividiu-se e, portanto, se enfraqueceu. Esta divisão e este enfraquecimento contribuem a explicar uma parte uma parte somente das evoluções eleitorais recentes da França. Enfim, o capítulo VI, conclusivo, se interroga sinteticamente sobre o que evoluiu e o que não evoluiu na reflexão e na produção intelectual de P.-A. Taguieff. Concluímos, primeiro, que P-A. Taguieff ficou fiel a uma concepção patriótica do antirracismo, enraizada da tradição do republicanismo francês, exatamente a tradição que muitas correntes da esquerda política e intelectual pretendem ultrapassar, em nome do multiculturalismo, do cosmopolitismo, da convergência das lutas; e, segundo, que desde os primeiros textos suas intervenções no debate público visam a defender a pluralidade das ideias, condição da existência de uma verdadeira esfera do debate público. / This study answers the following questions: What were the steps that led to the rupture between Pierre-André Taguieff and the French intellectual antiracist Left? To what extent can this split provide us with elements to understand the history of anti-racism in France, in particular in the case of the anti-racism of intellectuals from the seventies to the 2010 decade? The first chapter focuses on the sources, the methodology - the history of ideas and the history of present times, the historiography of racism and anti-racism - and at last, P.-A. Taguieff, the historian of racist ideas, an aspect of his work that will be left aside in the rest of the paper. The 1980 decade is the theme of chapter II. P.-A. Taguieff becomes famous for his analysis of the discourses of the so-called New Right and the National Front. To describe this party, he proposes the national-populist concept. He advances a typical ideal model of confrontation of racism - anti-racism: the differentialist anti-racism would, by way of priority, oppose itself to the universalist racism, and universalist anti-racism to the differentialist racism. Chapter III is about P.-A. Taguieff\'s attempt to consider a republican anti-racism in the 1990 decade, i.e., articulated around the notion of a civic nation, not ethnic. It is this evolution that leads him to break off with the majority of the intellectual political Left. At the end of this decade, he starts deepening his reflection on the notion of progress and progressivism, which we interpret as a reflection about the motives of his own breach with the Left. Chapters IV and V refer to the years after 2000. In chapter IV, we approach the quarrel of the \"new judeophobia\", i.e., the fundamental role played by P.-A. Taguieff in identifying the diffusion of a new judeophobic racism in France. We study the hostile reactions, mostly from Left intellectuals worried about the need of not stigmatizing youth. In chapter V, we evoke the dimensions of the contemporary debate in France around racism and anti-racism. We show that anti-racism ceased to be a coherent intellectual and political universe. On the contrary, it became divided and thus, weakened. This division and weakening contribute to explain - only partly however - the recent electoral evolution in France. Finally, chapter VI, conclusively, interrogates itself synthetically about what evolved or not in P.-A. Taguieff\'s reflection and intellectual production. We conclude, firstly, that P-A. Taguieff remained loyal to a patriotic anti-racist conception, rooted in the tradition of the French republicanism, precisely the tradition that many political and intellectual Left currents intend to leave behind, in the name of multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism and the \"convergence of the fights\"; and secondly, that from the very first texts, their interventions in the public debate aim at defending the plurality of ideas, the condition for the existence of a true public debate sphere.

Thesis (M.A.(Political Studies))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, 2002. / In March 2000, the South African Human Rights Commission launched an inquiry into racism in the South African media. This dissertation discusses a number of issues that were neglected during the Commission’s inquiry. The main argument has been that the discussion about racism in the media could have been much more fruitful if the Commission in their research as well as during the hearings themselves would have focused on a wider set of factors that influence media content. Furthermore, if the Commission had shown a greater understanding of the historically troublesome relationship between the media and the government in South Africa it would have facilitated interaction with the media and done less to alienate the media from the process.

The purpose of this study was to expand on previous literature by examining the role of racial identity attitudes in the workplace, which have been infrequently studied. The current study tested the relationships between workplace variables and racial identity attitude statuses, specifically in STEM fields. This study, using a national sample of 485 STEM employees, examined associations using bivariate correlations between two predictor variables (racial climate and racial/ethnic microaggressions) on three outcome variables (job satisfaction, turnover intentions, and person-organization fit). Moderation relationships of four variables (racial identity attitude statuses: Conformity, Dissonance, Immersion, Internalization) on the paths between the predictor and outcome variables were also examined using structural equation modeling. Results provide mixed support for hypothesized associations. Racial climate and microaggressions attitudes yielded significant direct associations with the workplace outcome variables and Dissonance and Immersion attitudes yielded moderation effects on the paths between predictor and outcome variables. Implications of these findings are discussed, as well as implications for future research, clinical interventions, and workplace recommendations.

In Race Matters: Race, Telenovela Representation, and Discourse in Contemporary Brazil I investigate the primetime telenovela Duas Caras (2008), examining how different factors such as narrative, audience reaction, as well as media criticism and commentary played a dynamic role in creating a meta-discourse about race in contemporary Brazil. In a larger sense, I examine how the social discourse about contemporary race relations and racism in that country were circulated, constructed and reconstructed during the time the program aired. Additionally, I explore the role of the media, particularly the telenovela, in debunking the idea that Brazil is a racial democracy. Secondly, the research incorporates the Brazilian notion that telenovelas are "open texts", meaning they are co-authored by a variety of industrial, creative, cultural and social actors, into a methodological approach that expands the traditional idea of textual analysis. In addition to reading the telenovela text itself, this study investigates the production process, audience responses and broader media coverage. Thus, the public discourse about the telenovelas is a key part of the text itself.

This thesis is based on three different focus groups held in the summer of 2018 with a total of twelve Black students. It examines a group of Black students’ experiences of racist microaggressions on the campus of a large comprehensive Canadian university situated in an urban setting. Using Critical Race Theory it analyzes how seemingly neutral comments, slights, snubs or representations by white students and professors contributes to a culture of anti-Black racism on this campus. Key to this analysis is the shift from traditional forms of racism to more subtle forms of racism in contemporary society, and the role that institutions play in reproducing racism. Microaggressions thus characterise the subtle way in which racism is perpetuated in contemporary society. The experiences described by the twelve students in this research study demonstrate the prevalence of microaggressions in the lives of Black students in this Canadian university. Furthermore, the four broad themes emerge from the focus group discussions: the lack of diversity in the student population and faculty, the invalidation of Black experiences, stereotypical representations of Black people and cultures, and gendered racism, give further nuance to the types of messages that Black students are exposed to at this university. This analysis produces a deeper understanding of how these micro-level interactions contribute to the broader culture of racism on campuses.

This thesis concerns the visual representation of the Maori in illustrations featured in the School Journal, Bulletins, Maori Language Readers, and Remedial Readers published by the New Zealand Department of Education from 1907-96. The main focus is to examine how the prehistory of Aotearoa has been presented to the public. For this reason School Journals were chosen as they have been a resource available to all school children for almost a century, and reflect changing theories incorporated into illustrations which can be just as significant, or even more powerful, than text in transmitting information (and sometimes culture-bound values) to the public about past Maori lifeways. I examined specific areas such as the representation Maori physiognomy, representation of gender and ethnicity, material culture, and activities in illustrations and photographs to create an overview of how the Maori have been depicted and question how closely these representations adhere to reality.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Ashland Theological Seminary, 2005. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 201-206).

Color-blindness and color-consciousness are two ideologies aiming at prejudice and negative intergroup behavior reduction. Whereas color-blindness emphasizes the importance of breaking down group differences and considering everybody as an individal similar and equal to each other, color-consciousness emphasizes the recognition and appreciation of group differences. This dissertation is about the positive and negative aspects of both ideologies, as well as about their differential effects on emotions, behavior, and prejudice. Furthermore, a longitudinal study between 4 different countries analyzes the differences between minority groups and majority groups in matters of ideology preferences and of their links to prejudice. Finally, some variables are tested as useful predictors of the color-blind and color-conscious ideologies.

This research focuses on documenting the efforts of the Waponahki people to design and pass legislated policy that effectively addresses racism and the process of colonization in school curriculum. The Waponahki, Indigenous to Maine and the Maritime Provinces, set precedent in both Canada and the United States during the late 1990s for the development of progressive educational policy that was implemented as legislated policy; two public laws and one state rule. Research on these policies, including the processes of their development, is significant because it provides an educational and social justice policy-making model. This work also contributes to the emerging discourse on Indigenous Research Methodologies as critical to the transformation of policy development theory and practice amongst Indigenous peoples. In Alberta, Canada, the Aboriginal student population is the fastest growing of any other race/ethnicity in the province (Alberta Learning Commission, 2005). However, Aboriginal students have the highest drop-out rates, and are least likely of any group to complete university (Frideres, 2005 & Statistics Canada, 2001). Experiences of racism in schools continue and are cited as a leading reason for Aboriginal student attrition, and the implementation of policy and practice that values Aboriginal worldviews is key to Aboriginal student success in school systems (Hampton & St. Denis 2004, Wotherspoon & Schissel, 2003). This research documents and analyzes the development of such policy from the lens of an Indigenous Waponahki researcher. The project is also unique because it specifically articulates a Waponahki epistemology and ontology as its foundational research methodology. Guided by the essence, practice, and principles of Waponahki basket weaving and creation story, the project examines two key pieces of legislation (public law) and one state rule that address racism and support language revitalization: in 2000, Maine Public Law Chapter 27, Title 1 MRSA 1102, more widely known as the Squaw Law; in 2001,Maine Public Law, Chapter 403, Title 20-A MRSA 4706, known as the Wabanaki Studies Law; and in 2005, the Native Language Endorsement Rule, Maine Department of Education, 05 071 CMR 115 Part II section 1.17, a state rule authorized by the state legislature. The study employs data collection methods that examine published documents, texts and individual interviews related to the three examples of legislated policy. Discussions address not only the challenges and opportunities of designing and implementation, but also speak to how these legislated policies function in practice as policies that work toward Waponahki survival and beyond. By discussing the development of these three specific examples as policies that evolved from the knowledge, traditions and colonial experiences of Waponahki people, this research describes and analyses how Waponahki ways of knowing (epistemology) and ways of being (ontology) inform policy-making processes in Maine. / Indigenous Peoples Education