<p>Uppsatsen handlar om skinheadskulturen och icke-rasistiska skinheads. Syftet med uppsatsen är Att beskriva skinheadskulturens utveckling från dess start tills idag och hur dagens icke-rasistiska skinheads förhåller sig till den. Uppsatsen är indelad i två delar där det i del 1 redogörs för skinheadskulturens utveckling och var brytningen kom mellan icke- och rasistiska skinheads kom. Litteraturstudier ligger till stor del till grund för del 1. Idel 2 har ett antal icke-rasistiska skinheads intervjuats och deras syn på skinheadskulturen och deras roll i den redovisas. Frågor har varit av typen: Varför är du skinhead? Hur kan du som icke-rasistiskt skinhead fortsätta att vara skinhead trots att du kan bli beskylld för att vara rasist? Hur länge kommer du att vara skinhead?</p>

The present paper is part of a project carried on by the Swedish Section of the International Commission of Jurists. Sweden has ratified several major international human rights instruments. Most of the rights are covered by national law, and only in exception is there a discrepancy between national and international law. Such a discrepancy is found in the UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination, in which the State parties agree on penalizing and prohibiting the founding of and participation in racist organizations. Sweden is not complying with this statute, despite the fact that the government has ratified the convention. The Swedish government states that national laws prohibit the activities of these organizations, and therefore it is not necessary to reform the legislation. The National Council for Crime Prevention (Brottsförebyggande rådet) presents an annual report on hate crime in Sweden. Between the years 2005 and 2009 the number of reported hate crimes almost doubled. To some point the increase can be explained by a widened definition of hate crime, but the reports have increased in real terms as well. The Swedish government is combating human rights violations, and the long term objective is to ensure full respect for human rights. Critique raised against Sweden in international reviewing institutions indicates that Sweden has some ground to cover before reaching such an objective. Most of the presented critique concerns the non-existing ban of racist organizations, increased reports of hate crime as well as racist influences within Swedish politics and society as such. Prohibiting racist organizations constitutes limitations in the freedom of expression and the freedom of association. Ever since Sweden incorporated the European convention for the Protection of Human Rights, freedom of expression has been given a unique position within the national legal system. This position is strengthened even further through different judgments in the Swedish Supreme Court, in cases on agitation. The questions raised in this paper are consequently: Is it possible to ensure full respect for human rights, or can you only come near such an ensuring? Does Sweden live up to its international obligations? How does the Swedish government weigh the different rights against each other? Should the rights be differently balanced? The purpose of this paper is, therefore, to establish Sweden’s international obligations, to highlight the possibility of limitations in the freedom of expression and to look at the occurrence of and legislations against hate crime. / Uppsatsen utgör en del av projektet "Implementering av kritik i internationella organ mot Sverige och Rätten till kompensation" som drivs av Internationella Juristkommissionen - Svenska avdelningen. / Implementering av kritik i internationella organ mot Sverige och Rätten till kompensation

Uppsatsen handlar om skinheadskulturen och icke-rasistiska skinheads. Syftet med uppsatsen är Att beskriva skinheadskulturens utveckling från dess start tills idag och hur dagens icke-rasistiska skinheads förhåller sig till den. Uppsatsen är indelad i två delar där det i del 1 redogörs för skinheadskulturens utveckling och var brytningen kom mellan icke- och rasistiska skinheads kom. Litteraturstudier ligger till stor del till grund för del 1. Idel 2 har ett antal icke-rasistiska skinheads intervjuats och deras syn på skinheadskulturen och deras roll i den redovisas. Frågor har varit av typen: Varför är du skinhead? Hur kan du som icke-rasistiskt skinhead fortsätta att vara skinhead trots att du kan bli beskylld för att vara rasist? Hur länge kommer du att vara skinhead?

This study aims to explore the relationship between racist police practices and the production of space in the city of Malmö, Sweden. Acknowledging the systemic inequalities inherent in Nordic welfarism and how past Swedish colonialist efforts inform such systems, it presupposes that racist police practices should be considered structural rather than dependent on individual actors. To holistically explore how intersections of essentialist categorizations such as race, gender, and class are imposed on individuals, it focuses on the intertwined concepts of space, mobility, power, resistance, and subjectification. Building on three interviews with racialized men with different ethnical backgrounds and class affiliations living in Malmö, the study suggests that the impacts of racist police practices on the informants’ everyday lives are profound. Such practices do not merely restrict and determine physical movement but also shape the production and perception of space, both public and private. While room to maneuver is limited, it is important to recognize that resistance, too, is an element in the production of space. The experiences and narratives of the informants highlight both explicit and implicit acts of resistance as well as self-protection, challenging dominant narratives and protecting them from the gaze and sometimes the violence of the police, and reclaiming space and mobility. Moreover, racist police practices significantly impact processes of self-formation, as racializing and criminalizing stereotypes are internalized through conforming to society’s expectations and through challenging such expectations. In mitigating the impacts of police encounters, the informants modify their daily actions and appearances.

’Inspection-zones’ are political proposals that the Sweden democrats, Christian democrats and the Moderate parties have put on their agendas for the purpose of combating the gang-related crime in Sweden’s so called ‘vulnerable areas’ since 2017. The proposals entail that the police receive extended powers to, within a geographically defined area, stop and frisk people without being required to provide a reasonable suspicion of individuals committing any crimes, which is something that today works as a protection-mechanism against arbitrary interventions. The purpose of this essay is to analyze, using a critical discourse analysis as a method, how the discourse of ‘inspection-zones’ is constructed by the political parties behind the proposals and which discourses are applied to legitimize the proposals. Furthermore, the purpose is to analyze how racist power-relations are implied within the proposals. The essay is delimited to the aforementioned parties’ latest motions in the Swedish parliament and a party leader debate where the proposals were discussed. The theoretical framework consists of a perspective on how racist discourses can change and still be considered a uniform discourse, and a perspective on how white racism can be reproduced through new discursive means. Conclusions observe that the construction of ‘inspection-zones’ as a discourse is primarily articulated by the parties around gang-related crime. The discourse around gang-related crime is articulated through shootings and organized crime, which legitimizes the proposals, since these are problems that reasonable people would like to prevent. However, the conclusions also shows that a racist ‘Swedishness’-discourse by the parties is implied within the discourse of gang-related crime, making the collective basic characteristics for ‘Swedishness’ an assessment-basis by which gang-related criminality can be expected from people. To direct the focus of ‘inspection-zones’ towards ‘vulnerable areas’ that are already rich in immigrant density, combined with the construction of this racist discourse, also seems to raise the risks of racial profiling and discriminatory practices against non-white ethnic minorities – a result that the Danish people have experienced after a similar legislation was introduced in Denmark.