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The conventional theoretical and analytical debate surrounding contemporary African underdevelopment attempts to classify or label the impediments to development primarily within an internal-external dichotomy. This thesis questions the internal-external approach in that it may limit the opportunity to examine the situation more in terms of a single process, blending the forces that hinder political and economic growth. The case of the Sudan illustrates this 'holistic' concept in that certain fundamental constraints wi thin the Sudan combined with specific external factors place severe limitations on both the economic and political development of the country. The traditional disunity and absence of a legitimate political authority within the Sudan, combined with the Sudan's integration into the world economic system, has created a situation that is detrimental to development. Rather than place the blame or responsibility for underdevelopment on any particular set of forces, I have examined how these forces have intertwined to create the present conditions in the Sudan, perhaps highlighting similar situations throughout other Third World nations as well. / Master of Arts

With the signing of the New Partnership Agreement (Cotonou Convention) between the European Union and the African, Caribbean, and Pacific States in June 2000, the trading relationship between Senegal and the European Union (EU) has taken a new direction. Under the new agreement, Senegal must decide by 2004 if it will enter into a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the EU, similar to a free trade arrangement, or move to an enhanced form of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP). Given the high percentage of Senegalese groundnut products that are exported to the European Union and the significance of the groundnut sector to the Senegalese economy, this study examines the economic impacts of both options on the Senegalese groundnut sector in conjunction with changes in development funding, infrastructural investments, and structural adjustment policies. Overall, the study finds that the REPA option is the more beneficial for the Senegalese groundnut sector. This result stems partially from the ability of increases in development funding to offset any adverse economic impacts caused by the REPA. Though overall more harmful than a REPA, moving to an enhanced GSP does have the benefit of increasing groundnut (in-shell and shelled) exports by a significant amount. Thus, the Senegalese government must weigh the benefit of a boost in the confectionery sector against the adverse impact on producers caused by the GSP. This study provides needed information for policy decisions by the Senegalese government, and a framework for future modeling efforts pertaining to the Senegalese groundnut sector. / Master of Science

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since independence in the early 1950's, Africa's overall economic performance compared very unfavourably with those of other regions of the developing world mainly because it attained political independence as a fragmented continent. From this time, the vision of African leaders has been that of regional integration and the creation of the African common market. The vision of a common market which unites Africa's mostly small and fragmented economies would lead to economies of scale, thereby making African countries more competitive. That vision however, has been clouded by the devastation of war, both civil and territorial and corruption which drains the state. Therefore, the importance of regional economic integration is pertinent and more so, the role of Regional Economic Communities as integrative institutions. The African Union, the main institution for political, economic and social integration established the African Economic Community whose main role is to facilitate the regional economic integration process in Africa. Africa's RECs have been designated by the Abuja Treaty as the building blocks for integration and the eventual creation of an African Economic Community. The Abuja Treaty and the Constitutive Act of the African Union provides for the coordination and harmonization of the policies of the Regional Economic Communities. One of the main challenges confronting Africa in its quest for full integration is the rationalisation of regional economic communities. The RECs with their treaties, protocols and agendas are logical institutions to jumpstart Africa's integration. The African Union recognises eight Regional Economic Communities, but the African continent has fourteen inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), all of which are working on regional integration issues. The RECs have had some successes but have not met their objectives of greater production. The RECs need to be revived and the first thing would be to rationalise their structure and their interactions with national governments. Rationalisation has benefits and costs and rationalisation efforts should focus on efficiency and effectiveness. Ultimately, rationalisation would allow Africa to attain the full benefits of integration, particularly growth for trade within and outside Africa. Regional Economic Communities are viewed as pillars of continental integration by the African Union. The strategy of economic emancipation must denote economic development for all African people including grass roots level and there is no doubt that significant challenges exist and must be addressed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die onafhanlikheid in die vroeë 1950's het die oorgrote ekonomiese groei van Afrika goed vergelyk met die ander onwikkelende streke in die wêreld grotendeels as gevolg van die gefragmenteerde onafhanklikheidswording in Afika as geheel. Vir die eerste keer was die visie van Afrika leiers dit eens dat Afrika streke as een moet integreer asook die daarstelling van een gemeenskaplike mark. Hierdie visie is egter vertroebel deur die verwoesting van oorloë, beide siviel en territoriaal, asook korrupsie, wat 'n staat dreineer. Daarom is die belangrikheid van streeks ekonomiese integrasie steeds belangrik, en nog meer so, die rol van Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe (REC's) as integrerende instelling. Die Afrika Unie, die hoof instelling vir politieke, ekonomiese en sosiale integrasie het die Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap, wie se hoof taak dit is om die streeks ekonomiese integrasie te fasiliteer, gestig. Afrika se Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe is aangewys deur die Abuja Verdrag, om as die bouers van integrasie op te tree, met die uiteindelike daarstelling van 'n Afrika Ekonomiese Gemeenskap. Die Abuja Verdrag en die Konstutiewe Wet van die Afrika Unie maak voorsiening vir die koordinasie in ooreenstemming met die beleidsrigting van die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe. Een van die hoof uitdagings wat Afrika in die gesig staar, met die soektog na volle integrasie, is die rasionalisasie van streeks ekonomiese gemeenskappe. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe met hulle verdrae, protokol en agendas is die logiese instelling om die integrasie van Afrika 'n hupstoot te gee. Die Afrika Unie erken agt Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe maar die Afrika kontinent het veertien inter-regerings organisasies (IGO's) wat almal werk aan streeks integrasie kwessies. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe het 'n sekere mate van sukses behaal, maar het nog nie hulle geteikende groter produksie bereik nie. Die Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe moet opnuut herleef word en die eerste stap sou wees om te rasionaliseer oor hulle struktuur en die interaksie met nasionale regerings. Rasionalisering het voordele en kostes en pogings behoort te fokus op doeltreffendheid en effektiwiteit. Die uiteinde van rasionalisering sal Afrika die volle voordele van integrasie, veral t.o.v handelsgroei binne en buite Afrika, ervaar. Streeks Ekonomiese Gemeenskappe word beskou, deur die Afrika Unie, as die pilare van kontinentale intergrasie. Die strategie van ekonomiese emansipasie moet 'n aanduiding wees vir ekonomiese ontwikkeling vir al die mense van Afrika, ook op grondvlak, en daar is geen twyfel dat beduidende uitdagings bestaan en dat dit moet aangespreek word.

M.A. / The main purpose and objective of this study was to evaluate and determine the impact of regionalisation in Southern Africa on South Africa's developmental goals. With regionalisation coming to the fore as a contemporary reality of the international political economy and with the importance placed on the Reconstruction and Development Plan by the South African Government, the opportinity presented itself where the dynamic impact of regionalisation could be determined and evaluated in a meaningful and relevant manner. The major research concerning regionalisation in Southern Africa focuses on either the economic viability of integration in the Southern African region, or the form of integration which should be pursued. No single study has tried to determine the possible total impact of the process of regionalisation on a specific country. This study breaches this intellectual and academic impasse by doing a multi-leveled analysis of the impact of regionalisation on South Africa's developmental goals. The motivation for this is to lead to more specific research concerning all aspects involved for all countries concerned. The emphasis falls on the holistic nature of this topic - where spesific focus is placed on the complexity and diversity of the roleplayers involved as well as the determinants which influence them. The specific methodology used was to incorporate varied forms of data-gathering, ranging from interviews with major roleplayers to literature studies. The important fact to emphasize is that regionalisation itself must be seen as a complex structure, evolving to the needs and circumstances of the countries involved. This study shows emphatically that the orthodox theory of regionalisation can not be used in the context of developing countries. This theory is based on the experiences of the European industrialised countries. Their methods of analysis is inappropriate in developing countries. It is showed that project- and functional co-operation would suit the requirements and needs of the Southern African region far better in delivering the benefits accrued through regionalisation. Using this as premiss and focussing on the develomental goals of South Africa - the probable impact of regionalisation was determined and evaluated. The Reconstruction and Development Plan and the White Paper on the Reconstruction and Development Plan was used to identify South Africa's developmental goals. Intense research was done to estimate and determine the probable impact of regionalisation, as well as the policy issues it entails, on these goals. An effort was made to integrate each aspect and sector with other sectors and to highlight the complex nature of these interrelated issues. Only broad discussion and recommendations could be drawn. But these are sufficient to lead to futher studies on each specific aspect as well as giving a broad perspective on how South Africa's development goals will be influenced by the process of regionalisation. From this study the conclusion can be drawn that there will be costs involved for South Africa's participation in regional integration. But the benefits derived from project co-operation could make it worthwhile for South Africa to implement positive policy decisions towards further regionalisation. It is important to notice the intense complexity of each sector and the influence a change in one sector will have on all others. Careful consideration should be given before any action is taken. This serves as justification for the study on the grounds that more studies of this nature is necessary for regionalisation to expand in the region, and for Southern Africa to develop as a region. The other member-countries should conduct studies of a similar nature - and through this the most appropriate policy decisions could be taken to improve the well-being of all the people in this region.

Both Sweden and the European Union have set numerous goals to reduce the emission of greenhouse gasses. At the same time, regional growth is desired in most, if not all of Sweden’s counties. With economic- and population growth being essential for reaching this desire, there is a potential conflict brewing. Is it feasible to reduce the emission of greenhouse gasses while at the same time actively working on growing the economy and the population?This paper has explored this idea in Sweden largest counties Stockholm, Skåne and Västra Götaland. The development in these counties over the last decade or so show that reduced emissions and regional growth in fact have been compatible. Not only that, the county with the largest population, population growth and largest gross regional product, Stockholm, has also had the largest decrease in greenhouse gas emission over the period. The trend of the emission reductions in these three counties are also compatible with the Swedish and European emission targets. However, the trend does indicate the actual development of greenhouse gas emission over a longer period. The findings indicate that reduced greenhouse gas emission can and have coexisted with regional growth.

Através de dois artigos -- um de revisão bibliográfica e um empírico --, este trabalho analisa a opinião pública mexicana sobre os efeitos do NAFTA -- Tratado Norte-Americano de Livre Comércio -- em 2010, após 16 anos de sua entrada em vigor. Explora-se o caso mexicano com o objetivo de se alcançar uma compreensão mais atualizada sobre como as populações latino-americanas respondem aos efeitos de uma das facetas da reestruturação neoliberal -- os acordos regionais de comércio --, superado o traumático impacto inicial sobre a estrutura de produção e de consumo dos países. Tendo em vista que o tema da opinião pública ainda é alvo de críticas e centro de um caloroso debate dentro das comunidades acadêmicas e das esferas de poder político, e que sua utilização, tanto para fins de pesquisa acadêmica quanto para justificação de políticas públicas, ainda é questionada, o primeiro artigo se apoia em prática e evidências científicas para demonstrar que a opinião pública é um fenômeno estável, mensurável e, em última instância, previsível. Estabelece-se neste primeiro artigo uma revisão bibliográfica e uma agenda para a análise da relação entre opinião pública e política externa. Justificada a utilização da opinião pública como evidência científica concreta e confiável, parte-se no segundo artigo, através de uma sondagem de opinião pública realizada em 2010, à análise dos níveis de avaliação dos efeitos do NAFTA e as diferenças nestes níveis entre os distintos estratos sociais mexicanos em um estudo transversal. Busca-se através desta abordagem uma maior elucidação e esclarecimento sobre os efeitos econômicos e, principalmente, sociais do NAFTA na população mexicana, visto que desde sua entrada em vigor há bastante divergência sobre os mesmos. Primeiramente, abordam-se os pressupostos teóricos para a compreensão do significado histórico, econômico e social do NAFTA, para então se analisar os dados e se realizar o estudo transversal de associação entre a avaliação do público dos efeitos do acordo e algumas variáveis demográficas -- sexo, idade, escolaridade e região -- e partidárias -- lealdade partidária. Com base nesta análise, concluir-se-á que o trauma econômico inicial com a aceleração de tendências provocada pelo NAFTA foi, em grande parte, superado: 62,8% dos mexicanos acreditam que o acordo regional de comércio foi muito ou algo benéfico ao país; entretanto, a partir da realização do estudo transversal, depreende-se que essa aprovação não é compartilhada -- pelo menos não em tamanha intensidade -- por todos os estratos da sociedade mexicana: a associação mais forte encontrada é com a região geográfica do país. As percepções sobre os efeitos do acordo foram bastante diferenciadas entre a região norte industrializada, onde ele promoveu desenvolvimento e distribuição de renda, e a região sul agrária, onde ele intensificou a pobreza e a desigualdade social. / Through two papers -- a literature review and an empirical analysis -- this research examines the Mexican public opinion on the effects of the NAFTA -- North American Free Trade Agreement -- in 2010, 16 years after its entry into force. The Mexican case is explored in order to achieve a more updated understanding on how the Latin American populations respond to one of the neoliberal restructuring facets -- the regional trade agreements --, overcomed the initial traumatic impact on the production and consume structure of these countries. Bearing in mind that the theme of public opinion is still target of criticism and center of a heated debate within the academic communities and spheres of political power, and that its use, both for academic research purposes and for reasons of public policy, is still questioned, the first paper is based on experience and scientific evidence to demonstrate that public opinion is a stable, measurable and ultimately predictable phenomenon. It is established in this first paper a literature review and an agenda for the analysis of the relationship between public opinion and foreign policy. Justified the use of public opinion as a concrete and reliable scientific evidence, the second paper analyzes, using a public opinion survey held in 2010, the levels of assessment on the effects of the NAFTA and the differences in these levels among the different strata in Mexican society through a cross-sectional study. The aim of this approach is to achieve a further elucidation and clarification on the economic and, especially, social effects of the NAFTA on the Mexican population, since there is much disagreement about such effects. At first, the theoretical assumptions are addressed in order to explain the historical, economical and social significance of the NAFTA, then the data is analyzed and it is carried out the cross-sectional study of association between the public\'s assessment of the effects of the agreement and some demographic variables -- sex, age, education and region -- and partisan variables -- party loyalty. Based on this analysis, it will be concluded that the initial economic trauma due to the acceleration of trends caused by the NAFTA was largely surpassed: 62.8% of Mexicans believe that the regional trade agreement was somewhat or very beneficial to their country; however, through the cross-sectional study, it emerges that such approval is not shared -- at least not so intensively -- by all strata of the Mexican society: the strongest association is found within the geographic region variable. Perceptions on the effects of the agreement were quite different between the industrialized north, where it promoted development and income distribution, and the agrarian south, where it intensified poverty and social inequality.

Em face do aumento significativo dos fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto e da proliferação dos acordos de integração econômica a partir dos anos 90, este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar se a formação do MERCOSUL contribuiu para atrair investimento estrangeiro direto para o Brasil e a Argentina. Para essa discussão, o trabalho está composto de quatro partes, além da introdução e da conclusão. A primeira parte traz uma abordagem teórica, que discute os fatores determinantes do investimento estrangeiro direto e as principais motivações do investidor e do país receptor. Na segunda parte apresentamos uma discussão teórica dos possíveis impactos dos acordos de integração econômica sobre os fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto; além disso, apresentamos alguns trabalhos empíricos que discutem essa relação. Na terceira parte desenvolvemos uma análise descritiva dos fluxos de investimentos diretos estrangeiros recebidos por Brasil e Argentina no período de 1990-2009, a qual teve por objetivo identificar se o aumento nos fluxos desses investimentos esteve correlacionado a ampliação do intercâmbio comercial desses países com o MERCOSUL. Os resultados dessa análise descritiva sugerem que fatores internos a cada um dos países analisados foram os grandes responsáveis pela atração do investimento estrangeiro direto no período analisado, e que o MERCOSUL talvez tenha sido um fator determinante secundário. Na quarta parte apresentamos uma análise econométrica e estimamos uma regressão linear utilizando a técnica de Mínimos Quadrados Ordinários, com o objetivo de estimar os parâmetros dos principais fatores apontados na literatura como determinantes dos fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto, dentre os quais o acordo de integração econômica. Os resultados dessa análise também sugerem que os fatores internos foram predominantes na atração do investimento estrangeiro direto para os dois países e que a integração talvez tenha sido um fator determinante apenas no caso brasileiro. / Given the significant increase in flows of foreign direct investment and the proliferation of economic integration agreements from 90 years, this paper aims to analyze the formation of MERCOSUR has helped attract foreign direct investment to Brazil and Argentina. For this discussion, the work is composed of four parts, besides the introduction and conclusion. The first part presents a theoretical approach, which discusses the determinants of foreign direct investment and the motivations of the investor and the host country. The second part presents a theoretical discussion of possible impacts of economic integration agreements on flows of foreign direct investment, in addition, we present some empirical studies that discuss this relationship. In the third part we develop a descriptive analysis of the flows of foreign direct investment received by Brazil and Argentina in the period 1990-2009, which aimed to identify whether the increase in flows of these investments was correlated to the expansion of trade with MERCOSUR countries. The results of this descriptive analysis suggest that factors internal to each of the countries surveyed were responsible for the attraction of direct foreign investment over this period, and that MERCOSUR may have been a secondary factor. The fourth section presents an econometric analysis and estimate a linear regression technique using OLS, in order to estimate the parameters of the main factors in the literature as determinants of foreign direct investment flows, among which the economic integration agreement . The results of this analysis also suggests that internal factors were predominant in the attraction of FDI for both countries and that integration may have been a determining factor only in the Brazilian case.

Em face do aumento significativo dos fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto e da proliferação dos acordos de integração econômica a partir dos anos 90, este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar se a formação do MERCOSUL contribuiu para atrair investimento estrangeiro direto para o Brasil e a Argentina. Para essa discussão, o trabalho está composto de quatro partes, além da introdução e da conclusão. A primeira parte traz uma abordagem teórica, que discute os fatores determinantes do investimento estrangeiro direto e as principais motivações do investidor e do país receptor. Na segunda parte apresentamos uma discussão teórica dos possíveis impactos dos acordos de integração econômica sobre os fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto; além disso, apresentamos alguns trabalhos empíricos que discutem essa relação. Na terceira parte desenvolvemos uma análise descritiva dos fluxos de investimentos diretos estrangeiros recebidos por Brasil e Argentina no período de 1990-2009, a qual teve por objetivo identificar se o aumento nos fluxos desses investimentos esteve correlacionado a ampliação do intercâmbio comercial desses países com o MERCOSUL. Os resultados dessa análise descritiva sugerem que fatores internos a cada um dos países analisados foram os grandes responsáveis pela atração do investimento estrangeiro direto no período analisado, e que o MERCOSUL talvez tenha sido um fator determinante secundário. Na quarta parte apresentamos uma análise econométrica e estimamos uma regressão linear utilizando a técnica de Mínimos Quadrados Ordinários, com o objetivo de estimar os parâmetros dos principais fatores apontados na literatura como determinantes dos fluxos de investimento estrangeiro direto, dentre os quais o acordo de integração econômica. Os resultados dessa análise também sugerem que os fatores internos foram predominantes na atração do investimento estrangeiro direto para os dois países e que a integração talvez tenha sido um fator determinante apenas no caso brasileiro. / Given the significant increase in flows of foreign direct investment and the proliferation of economic integration agreements from 90 years, this paper aims to analyze the formation of MERCOSUR has helped attract foreign direct investment to Brazil and Argentina. For this discussion, the work is composed of four parts, besides the introduction and conclusion. The first part presents a theoretical approach, which discusses the determinants of foreign direct investment and the motivations of the investor and the host country. The second part presents a theoretical discussion of possible impacts of economic integration agreements on flows of foreign direct investment, in addition, we present some empirical studies that discuss this relationship. In the third part we develop a descriptive analysis of the flows of foreign direct investment received by Brazil and Argentina in the period 1990-2009, which aimed to identify whether the increase in flows of these investments was correlated to the expansion of trade with MERCOSUR countries. The results of this descriptive analysis suggest that factors internal to each of the countries surveyed were responsible for the attraction of direct foreign investment over this period, and that MERCOSUR may have been a secondary factor. The fourth section presents an econometric analysis and estimate a linear regression technique using OLS, in order to estimate the parameters of the main factors in the literature as determinants of foreign direct investment flows, among which the economic integration agreement . The results of this analysis also suggests that internal factors were predominant in the attraction of FDI for both countries and that integration may have been a determining factor only in the Brazilian case.