Lesson observation is an established part of teachers' professional lives within a rational policy discourse which problematises teaching. The problematisation of teaching in official documentation and pronouncements has shaped understanding and experience of teachers' professional work. By approaching this study from a constructionist perspective, and employing the What's the Problem Represented to be? (WPR) approach developed by Bacchi (2009) to examine policy-as-discourse, it is possible interrogate the role of policy in making problems, and their solutions, in very specific ways. The innovative combining of the work of Bacchi with Bourdieu's sociological lens, in particular his concept of illusio, has enabled this research to examine the investment teachers make in the practice of lesson observation and to offer an interpretative rendering of 'how it is possible for "what is said" to be "sayable"' (Foucault 1991:59, cited in Bacchi and Goodwin, 2016:36 original emphasis). The contribution to knowledge within this empirical study is in the articulation of a vocabulary of motives used by participants to make meaning of why they play the game of lesson observation and, through this, an analysis of how policy work is done in a further education (FE) context. This research finds that by playing the game, teachers and observers are, in effect, making the policy work, which in turn produces the forms of objects which have been constructed through the representation of teaching as a 'problem' in official policy; 'outstanding teacher'; 'best practice'; 'effective teaching'; 'learning outcomes'. The reification of these objects within teachers' professional lives has created taken-for- granted realities which enable the binary of professional development and performance management to make sense. Furthermore, the research reveals how, in making the policy work, teachers are in fact doing the work of policy by enacting the objective entities constituted by evidence-based 'best practice' in their teaching. Interpretation of the empirical data contributes new knowledge by proposing that teaching has become represented as a 'problem' of learning within official policy discourse and that this has created a world where learning is a duty for both teachers and learners. The thesis concludes with the recommendation put forward by participants for a democratic and collaborative system of peer review to replace the current system of lesson observation. However, this recommendation is still within the parameters of rational policy narrative in its presupposition that teachers need to improve. The thesis, therefore, recommends debate about what 'development' might mean in the context of FE.

Le Code de procédure civile écarte expressément, de l’exercice de la tierce-opposition, la « partie » et le « tiers représenté » sans définir ce dernier. L’exclusion de la partie ne pose pas de difficulté, la notion de sa définition peut être trouvée dans le régime de l’appel. En revanche, à la question de savoir qui est « tiers représenté » aucune réponse n’est donnée. Ni la qualité de tiers, ni celle de partie, ne soulève a priori de difficultés, à l’inverse de celle de « tiers représenté ». C’est donc que cette représentation constitue un élément perturbateur des qualifications classiques, en conduisant à la remise en cause de la dichotomie de « tiers » et « partie ». Représentation qui ne produit pas de représentation du représenté (qui reste tiers), il ne s’agirait que d’une étrangeté dont il faudrait s’accommoder au seul motif de sa consécration textuelle. Les auteurs en font d’ailleurs état en mettant l’accent sur sa spécificité, sans autre justification que les dispositions du code et le régime prétorien secrété en la matière, en majeure partie sous l’empire de l’ancien code de procédure civile. Au-delà de la pluralité des cas de figure, ressort la préexistence de cette « représentation » reconnue en droit substantiel, préalablement à tout litige. Il ne saurait être alors question d’une particularité processuelle. L’étude à l’aune du droit processuel de ces décisions permet de détecter la constance de l’absence d’un droit propre du « représenté », soit qu’il n’en a pas, soit que ceux dont il est titulaire n’ont pas été affectés par la décision rendue. Le « représenté » est donc soit un tiers sans intérêt, soit une partie. La représentation ne constitue ici aucunement un critère de rattachement à une catégorie intermédiaire qui serait celle de « tiers représenté ». L’exerçant n’est donc jamais, en définitive, « tiers représenté » qui n’est qu’une description et non une prescription, ni une catégorie de rattachement. Cette représentation n’est d’aucun apport au droit processuel, et l’article 583 alinéa 1er du Code de procédure civile ne fait que consacrer la réception d’un élément exogène perturbateur. Cette disposition pourrait être abrogée, et la« représentation du tiers » tout comme la notion, sinon le concept, de « tiers représenté » qui en procède, être abandonnés. / In accordance with article 583 of the Code of Civil Procedure “any person who shows an interest if he was neither a party to nor he is represented in the judgement which he impugns, will be admissible to bring third party proceedings”. The law hereby introduces the notion of a “represented third party”, but fails to define it. Neither party nor third party, the “represented third party” seems to be an incongruity that the jurist should accommodate with solely because of its textual recognition. A procedural law analysis of the judicial decisions regarding third-party proceedings consistently reveals the absence of a direct claim pertaining to the “represented third party”. This leads to the conclusion that the “represented third party” is either a third party who has no claim, or a party. As a matter of fact, the representation of this so-called third party is merely a description, and has no impact on procedural law. It rather is a disturbing exogenous element of no legal consequence. Hence, the concept of a representation of a third party, as well as that of a “represented third party” ought to be withdrawn from the Code of Civil Procedure.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T18:11:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo principal deste estudo é caracterizar como duas docentes de Língua Portuguesa, atuantes no Ensino Médio público, representam o próprio agir como profissionais do ensino. Este trabalho foi desenvolvido a partir da experimentação de uma nova metodologia para a produção textual – organização de uma seqüência didática a partir da perspectiva dos gêneros textuais (Schneuwly & Dolz, 2004)– que serviu como motivação para uma auto-reflexão do docente sobre sua atuação durante sessão de autoconfrontação (Clot, 1999/2006). A conjugação de duas perspectivas firma a base teórica deste projeto: o quadro epistemológico do ISD; e os estudos ergonômicos propostos pela Clínica da Atividade (Clot, 1999/2006; Clot e Faïta, 2000). A escolha do interacionismo sociodiscursivo (ISD) como base teórico-filosófica principal se consolida com o objetivo de mudar o conceito sobre o texto na sala de aula de língua materna, além de aprofundar o foco de estudo do agir docente como trabalho através das dimensões que o constituem. / The main aim of this study is characterize how two teachers of Portuguese who work in a public High School represent their own acting as teaching professionals. This research was developed from the experiment of a new writing methodology – the organization of a didactic sequence from the text genre perspective (Schneuwly & Dolz, 2004) – which enrolled a motivation a motivation for a teacher’s self-reflection during the self-confrontation mode (Clot, 1999/2006). The conjugation of two perspectives compounds the theoretical basis for this project. The Socio-discursive Interactionism (ISD) epistemological frame; and the ergonomical studies proposed by The Activity Clinic (Clot, 1999/2006; Clot e Faïta, 1999). The choice of the Socio-discursive Interactionism as the main philosophical and theoretical basis is justified by the goal of changing the current text concept in Portuguese as a Native Language classrooms, besides deepen the focus on studies which consider the teaching acting as an occupation throught it

L’écriture de la presse féminine se caractérise aujourd’hui par une récurrence d’unités linguistiques en anglais ayant la valeur d’un énoncé (par exemple : Girl power !, What else ?, All they need is love, etc.), que nous appelons « énoncés fashion » et que nous considérons comme une manifestation d’alternance codique. Celle-ci est largement inexplorée dans les travaux sur les anglicismes en France, plutôt centrés sur la notion d’emprunt linguistique, ou bien privilégiant les interactions orales.L’objectif de cette thèse est de décrire les formes, le sens et les contextes d’emploi des énoncés anglais dans la presse féminine française contemporaine, et de caractériser linguistiquement et socioculturellement le style langagier dont ils font partie. En nous situant dans le cadre théorique de l’analyse du discours, nous articulons plusieurs approches : grammaire de la phrase, étude du figement, linguistique de l’énonciation et pragmatique, linguistique textuelle, étude de l’intertextualité, sémiotique des genres et des cultures, afin de rendre compte des différentes facettes de ces énoncés, remarquables par leur saillance et par la relation qu’ils créent entre les participants de la communication. / Now days, French women’s magazines offer examples of language units in English that form or can form a complete utterance (eg. Girl power!, What else?, All they need is love, etc.). We propose to refer to them as “vogue utterances” and consider them as a manifestation of codeswitching. As this phenomenon has received little interest among linguists who deal with Anglicisms in French, since the focus has been put on loanwords or on codeswitching in oral interaction.Our aim is to describe the forms, the meaning and the context of use of English utterances in contemporary French women’s press and to characterize the writing style they are part of from a linguistic and a socio-cultural point of view. Within the theoretical framework of the French discourse analysis, we combine different approaches: syntax, phraseology, enunciative linguistics and pragmatics, text linguistics, studies of intertextuality, semiotics of discourse genres and semiotics of cultures, in order to describe different aspects of these utterances, which are remarkable for their salience and the relation they create between the participants in the communication process.

A few weeks before the Swedish election in September 2018, a young girl named Greta Thunberg decidedto leave school every Friday and instead sit outside the Swedish parliament in Stockholm to raise awarenessabout the climate. This “school strike for climate” has since then developed to be a world-wide phenomenonand on the 15th of March more than 1.4 million youngsters participated in more than 100 countries.However, these actions have been subject of lots of debate in media; Greta being both cherished andcriticized. Framed within the questions about what motivates the political participation and in what way theschool takes a stand, this thesis aims to analyze “school strike for climate” in relation to the role of bothknowledge and fostering in the Swedish school. Through theories of street-level bureaucracy and politicalparticipation, accompanied by Carol Bacchis discourse perspective what´s the problem represented to be the studyexamines 32 Swedish newspaper articles. The result is a variety of problem representations, getting legitimized through law or moral, but also through a representation which hold both school and the pupils responsible for result in school. One of thedevelopments in the discourse is that during time and enlarging of the political activism, the youngster’sactions more and more is characterized as political participation than of an individual choice. This alsomeans that schools have to take a stand up on an organizational level, where many principals refer to schoolattendance and the law. When political activism is legislated through the curriculum it seems to be adidactical choice by the teachers, whom within their free space as professional street-level bureaucrats mayhave varying opportunities to use the theme within their teaching. Over all, the discourse focus more uponthe climate than democratic ideals, which suggests an unused potential of “school strike for climate” incivic´s education.

The Finnish police have power and influence as they are gate keepers of the criminal justice system. Governmental crime reduction policies rely on the actions of the police and in 2020 the Finnish police made a TikTok video to warn adolescences about dangers of sexting. My thesis uses Lerner’s Just world hypothesis and Bacchi’s What’s the problem represented to be as a theoretical framework, and multimodal critical discourse analysis (MCDA) to identify how the victim is represented in the TikTok video. The analysis on the content of the TikTok video is representing the victim as culpable for the crime against him/her. When the analysis is applied to the theoretical framework, it can be argued that the instructive TikTok video bears pressing social and institutional problems and extends people’s responsibility for avoiding crime and therefore fails achieving a balanced policy between crime prevention and criminal justice response.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The 2017-2018 Research and Graduate Affairs Committee (RGAC) was given three charges aimed at helping academic pharmacy address barriers that must be overcome by both students and schools to attract, retain, and support the development of a diverse, well-rounded, and successful graduate student population. These charges were (1) identifying teaching methodologies, tools and opportunities that graduate programs can introduce into curriculum to overcome barriers to success of today's and tomorrow's learners; (2) developing a strategy for achieving member support of the 2016-2017 recommended graduate competencies by identifying gaps in and existing examples of courses or opportunities that achieve competency-based pharmacy graduate education; and (3) identifying potential strategies to address identified barriers to pursuing graduate education, especially among under-represented student populations. This report describes attitudes toward and opportunities related to competency-based education in graduation education in colleges and schools of pharmacy, identifies types of tools schools could use to enhance training towards the competency framework developed by the 2016-2017 RGAC, particularly with regards to the so-called power skills, and outlines a role for AACP in facilitating this training. This report also considers a number of barriers, both perceived and real, that potential students encounter when considering graduate training and suggests strategies to understand the impact of and mitigate these barriers. To strengthen competency-based graduate education, the RGAC puts forth two recommendations that AACP develop a toolkit supporting the training of power skills and that AACP should develop or curate programs or tools to support the use of individual development plans (IDPs). The RGAC also puts forth a suggestion to schools that IDPs be implemented for all students. In considering the barriers to pursuing graduate education, the Committee proposes one policy statement that AACP supports the training and development of an increasingly diverse population of researchers at pharmacy schools through active efforts to promote M.S. and Ph.D. education along with Pharm.D. education. Additionally, the Committee provides recommendations that AACP should expand its efforts in career tracking of graduate students to include collection and/or analysis of data that could inform the Academy's understanding of barriers to pursuing graduate education in pharmacy schools, the AACP Office of Institutional Research and Effectiveness should expand upon graduate program data described in the annual Profile of Pharmacy Students report, and finally that AACP should include graduate programs in efforts to increase diversity of students at pharmacy schools.

Children’s rights and childhood are concepts that are a part of everyday discussions for many people around the world, but the understanding of the concepts shifts through time and space. The Convention on the Right of the Child, CRC, is supposed to protect children’s rights and relies upon the idea of childhood that describes children both as active agents and in need of protection. UNICEF, an organization within the UN, has the CRC as a guiding principle to achieve its mission to improve the lives of every child globally. However, previous research has criticized the CRC and UNICEF for ignoring particular children’s needs and having a western bias. Thus, even if an international social work program aims to protect children’s rights, it can end up excluding the needs of particular groups of children. This study aims to provide an understanding of how the problem of children’s rights discriminations is represented to be in UNICEF’s campaign #ENDviolence. The study fulfills the aim by using Carol Bacchi’s approach “What’s the problem represented to be?” WPR, and its six guiding questions. The empirical data is UNICEF’s campaign report, because the present study aims to investigate children’s rights discrimination, and the organization works with children and uses the CRC as a guiding principle. The study uses the WPR approach because it stresses that problems are created and given meanings through policies and programs. This study also uses the social constructionist theory and the two concepts, intersectionality and intertextuality, to provide a broader understanding. The results show that the campaign does only have a limited intersectional perspective, by not including children’s different identities, relating to such as race, nationality, alternative gender identification and sexuality, and abilities/disabilities, and it also does not acknowledge children’s multiple identities. Instead, the problem representation solely relies upon the concepts of sex (boy/girl) or age. Hence, the campaign leaves particular children and their needs unrecognized. An explanation for this approach is the campaign’s stable intertextual connection to the UN, and the writings, CRC and SDGs, Sustainable development goals. The campaign also tends to have a western bias, through silencing western countries, the data it uses and how it presents the data. The campaign ignores particular children and how institutional structures may affect them differently because of their identities. Thus, discrimination and violence against specific children can continue and suggested solutions would not necessarily help them.

This study investigates the use of the first-person personal pronoun ‘I’ in political discourse and, more specifically, the functions of Represented ‘I’ and Situated ‘I’, including subcategories, present in Joe Biden’s speeches. A corpus was compiled, consisting of 12 speeches that brought up the topic of the war in Ukraine. The aim of the analysis was to examine the frequency of the pronouns in the speeches and their functions. The study is based on categories from Roitman’s (2014) and Albalat-Mascarell and Carrió-Pastor’s (2019) research on presidential debates. The results reveal that Represented ‘I’ is the most frequent use of the pronoun, which presents speakers as politicians in the real world rather than positions them in the discursive situation, as in the case of Situated ‘I’. Since Situated ‘I’ was categorized only with regard to the discursive verbs of the current discourse, it might have contributed to the big difference in frequencies between Represented ‘I’ and Situated ‘I’.

My study examines trauma informed practice (TIP) policies in BC, Canada. My chosen methodology, what is the problem represented to be (WPR) (Bacchi 2009), makes politics visible in policies. I am interested in the effects of trauma policies on women who experience male violence. How does discourse produce certain effects and constitute specific subjects within these texts? I extend a politicized analysis of TIP policies, specifically, an in-depth feminist post structural analysis. I advance an understanding of the effects of policy, particularly for women who have experienced male violence and who receive services under the TIP guidelines. I note the absence of an intersectional analysis and the lack of attention paid to power relations, specifically associated with the provision of care within the health care system, the construction of the traumatized female subject and the absence of a social justice lens in TIP policies. My study addresses the meanings, and resulting practices arising from the TIP policy and its impacts on women's lived experiences. My feminist post structural analysis provides a critique of TIP policies glaringly absent from the literature. I examine available literature, which evaluates TIP. My analysis deepens the understanding of the policy's inherent assumptions by revealing the problem of trauma, as represented in TIP policies. I explore the emergence of the dominant concept of trauma in the completion of a genealogy of trauma. I uncover the commonly accepted trauma ethos, a set of principles and beliefs about violence against women that has set the path for a trauma discourse in BC's guidelines, policies, and programs. I explore my interest in iv the ontology of trauma, the nature of trauma itself and the way of being when trauma has occurred. While exploring this interest through a genealogy of trauma, I identify five historical figures; the traumatized female figure, the assaulted woman figure, the wounded veteran figure, the colonized Indigenous woman figure and the emancipated woman figure. My study explores how women are obscured and invisible in policies intended to address violence against women. I demonstrate that this invisibility results in gender-neutral policies-if there is no gender-based violence- we, therefore, do not have to think of gender-based treatment. The patriarchal erasure of women from trauma policies continually repositions what the problem is represented to be. These policies constitute women as the less valued subjects, fundamentally damaged and flawed. Trauma policies shape women as people who can damage staff; assuming they are a source of trauma infection; they can infect staff with their trauma resulting in vicarious traumatization of staff. Trauma policies characterize the traumatized female subject as fundamentally different from the staff or the professional expert. Only certain kinds of women can be traumatized, the mentally ill and substance-using women. My study exposes the presupposition embedded in policies that only certain women are violated, and other women are unlike them. This trauma discourse is grounded in racism, colonialism and sexism, built on stereotypical patriarchal representations of women, resulting in the stigmatization of women who experience male violence. / Graduate / 2022-08-25