L'espace baltique est souvent cité comme l’archétype d’un espace transnational construit par des réseaux. Depuis la chute du Rideau de fer, les acteurs locaux et européens ont régulièrement convoqué le passé fantasmé de la Hanse médiévale, une association de marchands créée au XIIe siècle, afin d’établir une prétendue unité de la région. Davantage que la volonté de rapprocher des territoires avant tout concurrents, l'existence d'une multitude de forums baltiques traduit surtout la difficile adaptation des acteurs locaux à de nouvelles dynamiques relevant de la mondialisation économique et de l'européanisation politique. Depuis les années 1980, marquées par une recomposition du rôle des États, les autorités municipales ont la possibilité de mener une politique internationale plus autonome et de porter leurs actions à des niveaux inédits. Encore faut-il que les municipalités concernées disposent d'une masse critique suffisante et d'une localisation avantageuse. Les réseaux de villes forment un espace intermédiaire permettant aux territoires périphériques de l'espace baltique de développer des stratégies dans et avec les niveaux géographiques. Il n'existe pas un seul modèle de recomposition interterritoriale mais une multitude de stratégies et de parcours, dont l'espace baltique, traversé de nombreuses discontinuités, peut témoigner. Au-delà d'une géopolitique classique centrée sur les relations interétatiques, l'étude des municipalités riveraines invite à considérer la diversité des modèles d'inscription dans des dynamiques mondiales et européennes qui ne constituent pas des processus linéaires et monolithiques. / The Baltic Sea area is often quoted as the archetype of a transnational space achieved through networks. Since the fall of the Iron Curtain, local and European stakeholders have frequently relied on the fantasized history of the Hanseatic League, a mediaeval association of merchants created in the 12th century, in order to foster the idea of a unified region. Rather than a desire to bring together territories that are essentially rivals, the existence of numerous Baltic forums suggests the difficulty local stakeholders have in adapting to the new dynamics of economic globalization and political Europeanization. Since the 1980s, a period that was characterized by a change in the role of States, city authorities have been able to launch more autonomous international policies and extend the scope of their actions to unprecedented levels, the condition being that the cities in question have a sufficient critical mass and enjoy an attractive location. City networks make up an intermediary space allowing the territories bordering the Baltic Sea to develop strategies within and together with various geographical levels. With its many disparities, the Baltic Sea area exemplifies not one single model of rescaling, but a vast number of inter-territorial strategies and approaches. Beyond classical geopolitics based on inter-state relations, the study of the cities bordering the Baltic Sea leads to the idea that there is a great variety of ways in which they participate in both global and European dynamics that are not linear or monolithic processes.

Denna uppsats avser att undersöka hur olika institutioner på olika politiska och geografiska nivåer förhåller sig till och tillämpar lagändringen gällande den regionala fysiska planeringen som kom år 2019. Uppsatsen utgår från två frågeställningar: Hur tolkas lagändringen och hur ser argumentationen ut kring en regional fysisk planering enligt plan- och bygglagen (PBL) och utanför PBL samt vilka konsekvenser en lagstadgad regional fysisk planering enligt PBL kan få för kommunerna, kommunalförbunden och regionerna.  För att studera detta har jag valt att använda mig av en fallstudie. Fallet som studeras är Västra Götalandsregionen (VGR) som är en region bestående av 49 kommuner och 4 kommunalförbund. I regionen pågår det under tiden för uppsatsskrivandet ett remissarbete, där VGR skickat ut en remiss till kommunerna, kommunalförbunden och de andra aktuella remissinstanserna för att få svar på om regionen skall ansöka om att bli ett regionplaneorgan eller inte. Förutom den frågan vill regionen också ha svar från remissinstanserna på hur de vill att den regionala fysiska planeringen skall utvecklas framöver, främst gällande hur samverkan skall ske och vilka frågor som är aktuella. Det valda fallet ses som ett unikt fall då regionen består av en mängd olika geografier och aktörer, det ses även som ett aktuellt fall då det finns en pågående diskussion inom ämnet.  I uppsatsen tillämpas tre olika insamlingsmetoder av data; intervjuer, en enkätstudie och en dokumentstudie. Gällande respondenterna ingår 31 tjänstepersoner och politiker som är verksamma i olika delar av regionen och som är hemmahörande i organisationer på olika nivåer. De dokument som används i uppsatsen är sådana som offentliggjorts online av organisationer så som VGR, Finansdepartementet och Sveriges Kommuner och Regioner. En kvalitativ innehållsanalys har använts för att analysera den data som insamlats. Vilket utgår från det analytiska ramverket som är uppbyggt på Nuissl & Heinrichs governance-koncept och dess fyra analyskategorier som består av aktörer, relationer, institutionella ramverk och beslutsprocessen.  I uppsatsen framkommer det att det finns en del argument både för en regional fysisk planering enligt PBL och för en fortsatt regional planering utanför PBL. Det argument som nämns flest gånger på båda sidor är att det leder till en förbättrad samordning. Just vad denna samordning skall baseras på verkar vara den centrala frågan. Ena sidan vill att den ska bygga på frivillighet och äga rum i soft spaces och den andra sidan vill ha en tydligare struktur och att frågan om den regionala fysiska planeringen skall finnas i ett hard space. Trots att det finns en mängd olika argument som tas upp för och emot en regional fysisk planering enligt PBL, är de flesta av respondenterna överens om att de vill se en förstärkt regional fysisk planering som behandlar fler frågor än vad den gör idag. Politikerna sägs dock vara mer negativa mot en regional fysisk planering enligt PBL än vad tjänstepersonerna är, vilket kan bero på en oro att förlora makten när frågor kan bli föremål för rescaling upp till regionen. Slutligen utrycker respondenterna att det finns en otydlighet kring vilka konsekvenser en regionplan hade kunnat leda till. Ett flertal respondenter utrycker även en oro över VGR:s resurser och mognad för att ta sig an ett regionplanemandat. Otydligheten och avsaknaden av ställningstagande om de vill bli ett regionplaneorgan eller inte har inte bidragit till mindre oro, utan snarare mer. En av slutsatserna är att de olika aktiva aktörerna inom flernivåstyrningen av planeringsprocessen bör ta fram former för samverkan och samarbete så snart som möjligt, då flera frågor som till exempel bostadsförsörjningen och klimatet är i akut behov av åtgärder på en högre regional skala än de kommunala- och mellankommunala åtgärderna som finns idag. För att detta ska kunna ske behöver samordningen mellan soft och hard spaces förbättras, då det finns betydliga risker för negativa konsekvenser om den regionala planeringen fortsätter att endast äga rum i soft space vilket i stort sett är situationen idag, eller endast i hard space som kan hända om regionen får ett lagkrav på sig enligt PBL. Frågan om hur en bättre samverkan kan uppnås mellan aktörerna bör vara överordnad frågan om det ska planeras enligt PBL eller inte, då det är en mer akut fråga som mer ligger till grund för hela planeringsprocessen.

La thèse analyse les recompositions de la citoyenneté dans un contexte de rééchelonnement de l’État en France et au Québec. L’argument est que, dans un tel contexte, la citoyenneté nationale se rééchelonne. Le cadre théorique consiste en une relecture institutionnelle du concept de rééchelonnement de l’État développé par N. Brenner ainsi que certains apports des travaux de J. Jenson et S. Phillips sur les régimes de citoyenneté. La thèse compare les évolutions de politiques de gestion de la diversité ethnique - centrales dans l’analyse de la citoyenneté - à Marseille et Montréal au travers des reconfigurations des rapports entre acteurs institutionnels prenant place à l’échelle locale. Nous montrons que l’État national reste un acteur important de la régulation de la citoyenneté et que les villes et les échelons locaux de l’État ont acquis une marge de manœuvre par rapport à l’État central dans la mise en place de politiques régulant la citoyenneté à l’échelle locale. Néanmoins, à l’issue de la comparaison, des différences se font jour. Au Québec, l’État central conserve un contrôle important sur les politiques instaurées à l’échelle locale alors que ceci est moins le cas en France. Ces résultats indiquent que le rééchelonnement de l’État est plus fortement institutionnalisé en France qu’au Québec. Les apports de la thèse sont triples. En premier lieu, nous montrons que l’approche institutionnelle du rééchelonnement de l’État permet de mieux décrire les processus à l’œuvre dans différents contextes nationaux que ne le permet la perspective de N. Brenner. En second lieu, nous démontrons que le concept de citoyenneté urbaine ne permet pas de rendre compte des mutations actuelles de la citoyenneté. Enfin, nous montrons que le rééchelonnement de la citoyenneté s’est institutionnalisé en France, dans un État où la conception de la citoyenneté est traditionnellement considérée comme « unitaire », nuançant ainsi cette catégorie classique en science politique. / This doctoral dissertation aims at analyzing the current reconfigurations of citizenship in a context of state rescaling in France and Québec. In opposition to urban citizenship theories, we contend that in an era of globalization national citizenship is being rescaled. We use a theoretical framework based on an institutional version of N. Brenner’s state rescaling perspective and some arguments made by J. Jenson and S. Phillips in their works about citizenship regimes. The empirical analysis draws on a comparison between the policies of ethnic diversity management - which lie at the core of citizenship models - taking place in Marseille and Montreal. Through a study of the reconfigurations taking place in the relations between institutional actors at the local scale, we show first that in a context of state rescaling, national states’ regulatory capacities over citizenship are important and, second, that cities and local state services have gained room of manoeuvre vis-à-vis the central state in regulating citizenship while implementing policies at the local scale. Though we show that in both cases citizenship has been rescaled, differences have also been found. In Québec the central state has more control over the policies implemented at the local scale than in France. These results indicate that the process of citizenship rescaling is far more institutionalised in France than in Québec. The thesis makes contribution first to the literature on state rescaling in showing that an institutional perspective is best suited for the analysis of state rescaling processes in different countries. Second, regarding the literature about citizenship and globalization, we establish that the concept of urban citizenship cannot grasp the current transformations undergone by the institution of citizenship. Third, we show that citizenship rescaling processes are being institutionalised in a country known for its “Unitary” and “Republican” conception of citizenship. This last finding destabilizes a well-established category in the political science literature.

Neste trabalho propomos uma abordagem computacional especificamente talhada para a solução de problemas de programação matemática discreta-mista com restrições de equilíbrio (MPEC). Para isso, inicialmente, transformamos o MPEC discreto-misto em uma sequência de MPECs contínuos. Na formulação dos MPECs contínuos, inserimos restrições de igualdade e de desigualdades artificias, as quais nos permitem considerar as variáveis discretas como contínuas. Cada MPEC contínuo é transformado em um problema de programação não-linear (PNL) padrão. Isso é feito por meio da reformulação das restrições de complementaridade originais do MPEC contínuo em um conjunto equivalente de restrições usuais de desigualdade. As restrições de igualdade originais do PNL são tratadas por meio da função lagrangiana clássica, as restrições de igualdade artificiais associada às variáveis discretas do PNL são tratadas por meio de uma técnica variante do método de penalidades clássico e as restrições de desigualdade artificias e originais do problema são tratadas por meio do método de reescalamento não-linear integrado proposto neste trabalho. Cada PNL é resolvido por meio de uma abordagem primal-dual do método de reescalamento não-linear integrado (PDRNLI) com atualização dinâmica dos parâmetros e com a estratégia de convergência global proposta. O método PDRNLI é aplicado ao problema de fluxo de potência ótimo reativo com restrições de atuação de dispositivo de controle de tensão associado aos sistemas elétricos IEEE-14, IEEE-30 e IEEE-118 barras. Os resultados numéricos comprovam a eficiência do método PDRNLI proposto para a solução do problema. / In this work we propose a computational approach specifically tailored for solving mixed-discrete mathematical problems with equilibrium constraints (MPEC). For such a purpose, we initially transform the mixed-discrete MPEC problem into a sequence of continuous MPEC problems. In the formulation of the continuous MPECs, we insert artificial equality and inequality constraints, which allow us handling discrete variables as continuous ones. Each continuous MPEC is transformed into a standard nonlinear programming problem (NLP). This is performed by reformulating the original complementarity constraints of the continuous MPEC problems into an equivalent system of standard inequality constraints. The original equality constraints of the NLP problem are handled by means of the classical lagrangian function, while the artificial equality constraints associated with the discrete variables are handled by means of a variant of the classic penalty method. The original and artificial inequality constraints are handled by means of the integrated nonlinear rescaling method proposed in this work. Each NLP is solved by means of a primal-dual version of the integrated nonlinear rescaling approach (PDINLR), with dynamic updating of parameters together with proposed a global convergence strategy. The PDINLR method is applied to the reactive optimal power flow problem with additional constraints associated with the actuation of voltage control devices for the associated with IEEE-14, 30 and 118 bus electrical systems. Numerical results assure the efficiency of the method PDINLR proposed for solving the problem.

Le Grand Paris est une utopie en 2001, utopie qui va jouer un rôle moteur dans le changement de l’ordre institutionnel francilien de l’aménagement du territoire dans la décennie (2001-2012). Cette idée se manifeste dans trois processus menés conjointement : 1. une politique de coopération entre élus locaux mise en place par la Ville de Paris dès 2001 ; 2. un projet d’aménagement du territoire dès 2004 avec la révision du schéma directeur d’Ile-de-France, et dès 2008 avec un projet gouvernemental d’aménagement ; 3. un projet de réforme institutionnelle de changement d’échelle avec la création d’un gouvernement métropolitain. L’idée Grand Paris se matérialise par la mise en oeuvre d’un gigantesque réseau de transports publics autour de Paris depuis2010 et par une institution métropolitaine en 2014. Ces réalisations trouvent leurs racines dans les luttes institutionnelles et politiques de la décennie 2000.Cette monographie sur le Grand Paris illustre la problématique du changement d’échelle en contexte de forte concurrence entre métropoles mondiales. A travers l’analyse du système d’acteurs publics (en particulier la Ville de Paris, les maires de l’agglomération, le Conseil régional d’Ile-de-France et l’Etat), il s’agit de comprendre quels sont les usages du Grand Paris par ces acteurs,comment se construisent leurs représentations, et quels sont les blocages institutionnels contre la montée en puissance de l’échelon politique métropolitain. On montrera que l’on peut combiner utilement les trois variables d’analyse du changement que sont les intérêts, les idées et les institutions pour comprendre ce que révèle le problème public « Grand Paris » de l’évolution des relations entre l’Etat, la ville de Paris et le Conseil régional d’Ile-de-France. / The Greater Paris in in 2001 an utopia. However this planning vision for Paris has brought major changes to the Ile-de-France governance regarding urban development from 2001 to 2012. Three processes jointly carried out illustrate this idea: 1- Since 2001 the City of Paris has been encouraging cooperation between local elected representatives. 2- The Ile-de-France regional development plan has been reviewed since 2004 and as of 2008 a governmental urban development project has been formulated. 3- A new governance project which includes the creation of a metropolitan government has been discussed. The Greater Paris project has led to a new ambitious public transportation plan for its suburbs (2010) and the creation of a metropolitan government(2014). All of these achievements are the result of institutional and political conflicts from the last decade.This monography on the Greater Paris illustrates the issue of urban change of scale in thecontext of increased competition between cities. It aims at understanding the standpoints of public actors (the City of Paris, local mayors, the Ile-de-France region, the State): how they intend to use the Greater Paris idea, how they build up their representations of it and what are the institutional resistance against a metropolitan government. The analytical frame of this study combines three change variables - interests, ideas and institutions – to better understand how the Greater Paris project has changed the regional governance (2001-2012).

Neste trabalho propomos uma abordagem computacional especificamente talhada para a solução de problemas de programação matemática discreta-mista com restrições de equilíbrio (MPEC). Para isso, inicialmente, transformamos o MPEC discreto-misto em uma sequência de MPECs contínuos. Na formulação dos MPECs contínuos, inserimos restrições de igualdade e de desigualdades artificias, as quais nos permitem considerar as variáveis discretas como contínuas. Cada MPEC contínuo é transformado em um problema de programação não-linear (PNL) padrão. Isso é feito por meio da reformulação das restrições de complementaridade originais do MPEC contínuo em um conjunto equivalente de restrições usuais de desigualdade. As restrições de igualdade originais do PNL são tratadas por meio da função lagrangiana clássica, as restrições de igualdade artificiais associada às variáveis discretas do PNL são tratadas por meio de uma técnica variante do método de penalidades clássico e as restrições de desigualdade artificias e originais do problema são tratadas por meio do método de reescalamento não-linear integrado proposto neste trabalho. Cada PNL é resolvido por meio de uma abordagem primal-dual do método de reescalamento não-linear integrado (PDRNLI) com atualização dinâmica dos parâmetros e com a estratégia de convergência global proposta. O método PDRNLI é aplicado ao problema de fluxo de potência ótimo reativo com restrições de atuação de dispositivo de controle de tensão associado aos sistemas elétricos IEEE-14, IEEE-30 e IEEE-118 barras. Os resultados numéricos comprovam a eficiência do método PDRNLI proposto para a solução do problema. / In this work we propose a computational approach specifically tailored for solving mixed-discrete mathematical problems with equilibrium constraints (MPEC). For such a purpose, we initially transform the mixed-discrete MPEC problem into a sequence of continuous MPEC problems. In the formulation of the continuous MPECs, we insert artificial equality and inequality constraints, which allow us handling discrete variables as continuous ones. Each continuous MPEC is transformed into a standard nonlinear programming problem (NLP). This is performed by reformulating the original complementarity constraints of the continuous MPEC problems into an equivalent system of standard inequality constraints. The original equality constraints of the NLP problem are handled by means of the classical lagrangian function, while the artificial equality constraints associated with the discrete variables are handled by means of a variant of the classic penalty method. The original and artificial inequality constraints are handled by means of the integrated nonlinear rescaling method proposed in this work. Each NLP is solved by means of a primal-dual version of the integrated nonlinear rescaling approach (PDINLR), with dynamic updating of parameters together with proposed a global convergence strategy. The PDINLR method is applied to the reactive optimal power flow problem with additional constraints associated with the actuation of voltage control devices for the associated with IEEE-14, 30 and 118 bus electrical systems. Numerical results assure the efficiency of the method PDINLR proposed for solving the problem.

La thèse analyse les recompositions de la citoyenneté dans un contexte de rééchelonnement de l’État en France et au Québec. L’argument est que, dans un tel contexte, la citoyenneté nationale se rééchelonne. Le cadre théorique consiste en une relecture institutionnelle du concept de rééchelonnement de l’État développé par N. Brenner ainsi que certains apports des travaux de J. Jenson et S. Phillips sur les régimes de citoyenneté. La thèse compare les évolutions de politiques de gestion de la diversité ethnique - centrales dans l’analyse de la citoyenneté - à Marseille et Montréal au travers des reconfigurations des rapports entre acteurs institutionnels prenant place à l’échelle locale. Nous montrons que l’État national reste un acteur important de la régulation de la citoyenneté et que les villes et les échelons locaux de l’État ont acquis une marge de manœuvre par rapport à l’État central dans la mise en place de politiques régulant la citoyenneté à l’échelle locale. Néanmoins, à l’issue de la comparaison, des différences se font jour. Au Québec, l’État central conserve un contrôle important sur les politiques instaurées à l’échelle locale alors que ceci est moins le cas en France. Ces résultats indiquent que le rééchelonnement de l’État est plus fortement institutionnalisé en France qu’au Québec. Les apports de la thèse sont triples. En premier lieu, nous montrons que l’approche institutionnelle du rééchelonnement de l’État permet de mieux décrire les processus à l’œuvre dans différents contextes nationaux que ne le permet la perspective de N. Brenner. En second lieu, nous démontrons que le concept de citoyenneté urbaine ne permet pas de rendre compte des mutations actuelles de la citoyenneté. Enfin, nous montrons que le rééchelonnement de la citoyenneté s’est institutionnalisé en France, dans un État où la conception de la citoyenneté est traditionnellement considérée comme « unitaire », nuançant ainsi cette catégorie classique en science politique. / This doctoral dissertation aims at analyzing the current reconfigurations of citizenship in a context of state rescaling in France and Québec. In opposition to urban citizenship theories, we contend that in an era of globalization national citizenship is being rescaled. We use a theoretical framework based on an institutional version of N. Brenner’s state rescaling perspective and some arguments made by J. Jenson and S. Phillips in their works about citizenship regimes. The empirical analysis draws on a comparison between the policies of ethnic diversity management - which lie at the core of citizenship models - taking place in Marseille and Montreal. Through a study of the reconfigurations taking place in the relations between institutional actors at the local scale, we show first that in a context of state rescaling, national states’ regulatory capacities over citizenship are important and, second, that cities and local state services have gained room of manoeuvre vis-à-vis the central state in regulating citizenship while implementing policies at the local scale. Though we show that in both cases citizenship has been rescaled, differences have also been found. In Québec the central state has more control over the policies implemented at the local scale than in France. These results indicate that the process of citizenship rescaling is far more institutionalised in France than in Québec. The thesis makes contribution first to the literature on state rescaling in showing that an institutional perspective is best suited for the analysis of state rescaling processes in different countries. Second, regarding the literature about citizenship and globalization, we establish that the concept of urban citizenship cannot grasp the current transformations undergone by the institution of citizenship. Third, we show that citizenship rescaling processes are being institutionalised in a country known for its “Unitary” and “Republican” conception of citizenship. This last finding destabilizes a well-established category in the political science literature.

Extended Abstract This thesis addresses the globalizing urban waterfront in Bratislava. It aims to unravel the key logics driving the decision-making processes behind waterfront re- development in the Slovak capital. I investigate the infiltration of the capitalist logics into a transforming institutional environment unfolding from the post-socialist transition. This is being done through a distinction between the capitalist and the territorial logics of power (Jessop, 1999; Harvey, 2005). Across the globe, waterfront re-development has become the urban response to inner-city decline, and the increasing inter-urban competitiveness in today's neoliberal capitalism. The origins of waterfront transformations are here framed as an urban manifestation of geographically uneven logics of capital put into motion by the crisis of Atlantic Fordism (Smith, 1990; Jessop, 2000). The capital switching into the build-up environment (Harvey, 1978; 2005), is temporarily fixed on urban waterfronts through decisions made on multiple scales (Brenner, 2001). Various types of 'extraverted' strategies such as the Ecosystem approach (Laidley, 2007), a construction of megaprojects & an organisation of mega-events (Orueta & Fainstein 2009), or localization of transnational circulations of stararchitects (Alaily-Mattar et.al. 2018),...

This thesis addresses the question as to why multilevel politics is becoming an integral part of politics in Europe. Multilevel politics is conceptualized as a system which functions through a complex web of political relations within and across levels of decision making. The thesis argues that the rise of multilevel politics can be explained by its institutionalization in terms of the emergence, the evolution and especially the effects of relevant institutions. Based on a mixed-method research project, the influence of European institutions on subnational actors and the alignment of actor motives with institutional characteristics are empirically shown. The first chapter of the dissertation establishes the centrality of institutions for political transformation, examines the role of transnational and domestic institutions for multilevel politics, and contextualizes the research question in terms of institution-actor relations. The second chapter develops a new-institutionalist theoretical framework that explains the emergence, the evolution and the effects of the institutions, and formulates a series of hypotheses with regard to freestanding institutional influence, power distribution, material benefits and political identification. The third chapter outlines the mixed-method research design which addresses individual-level and institutional-level variations through a Europe-wide survey and a comparative case study. The fourth chapter on survey results shows generally favourable views on multilevel politics, and strong associations of these views with the independent variables under scrutiny. The fifth chapter specifies a multivariate model which includes all posited variables and confirms the majority of the hypotheses. Therefore, the new-institutionalist argument is broadly confirmed, while there is relatively weak evidence to sustain sociological explanations. The final chapter compares the Committee of the Regions and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, and examines the institutional characteristics which correspond to the hypothesized variables. It is then concluded that the two institutions share several overarching similarities, and display complementarity in other aspects.