Notre recherche a examiné un phénomène communicationnel susceptible d’éclairer le processus de la modernisation de la société roumaine au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles :il s’agit de la transformation de l’édition d’une société manufacturière dans « une proto-industrie culturelle » et de la création d’une sphère publique dans ce monde en constante redéfinition. Le rapport entre la croissance des biens culturels produits par les éditeurs et celle de l’intérêt des individus pour la lecture est le centre de notre recherche. Autrement dit, nous avons évalué la fonction sociale de la littérature roumaine et le rôle des livres sur le marché des produits culturels et informationnels. L’intervalle relativement long, de 1880 à 1914, nous a permis de confronter les données spécifiques à la production de littérature d’une manière diachronique, en analysant les stratégies économiques et politiques des acteurs et aussi les conflits résultant des rapports de pouvoir entre ceux-ci. L’analyse des conditions de ces mutations a déterminé les rôles sociaux des instances, les dialogues, les confrontations entre les acteurs et les publics. Nous avons identifié une crise de la littérature roumaine originelle qui a mobilisé une sorte d’internationalisation de la production littéraire. La concurrence des biens, des marchandises culturelles « importées » de l’Occident sous la forme des traductions ou des reformulations est l’un des « potentiateurs » de la création littéraire autochtone. <p>Les lectures croisées de documents (plans éditoriaux, correspondance, presse, journaux intimes et professionnels, etc.) et de sources secondaires (histoires littéraires, travaux de critique, manuels, etc.) nous ont permis de suivre l’évolution des intentions, des objectifs, des réalités et des conséquences sur ce qu’on considère l’histoire officielle de la littérature. Les différences entre les étapes démontrent, d’une manière assez exacte, les degrés de pouvoir des forces impliquées dans la production du canon littéraire ;elles illustrent aussi l’emprise croissante de l’idéologie sur le champ culturel à partir de la fin du XIXe siècle. L’analyse diachronique des parutions éditoriales à travers les 34 années étudiées reflète les changements des politiques culturelles de l’Etat. L’analyse appliquée à la politique éducationnelle de la discipline littérature roumaine nous a permis d’envisager une modification de la stratégie de l’Etat dans ce domaine et de questionner ses effets sur la création du patrimoine national. <p>Le littéraire, acteur central de notre recherche, nous a donné la possibilité d’instrumentaliser plusieurs notions appartenant à l’histoire du livre et de l’édition. De cette manière, les tensions présentes à l’intérieur de l’analyse historique de la littérature ont été transformées en sujet de réflexion, voire de rétablissement de certaines positions de domination. Le concept d’identité bibliographique est convoqué pour réaliser une lecture diachronique d’une époque. Nous avons identifié et analysé toute une série de problématiques passionnantes, telles les relations entre les instances impliquées dans la production, la circulation et la réception des livres littéraires durant la période 1880-1914.<p><p>The PhD thesis entitled The Romanian Literary Identity. Writers, Publishers and Readers in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries examines a communication phenomenon, constituting a scientific enterprise that aims to clarify some aspects relating to the modernization of Romanian society during the Belle Époque: we have in mind the transformation of the “publishing house” from a business dealing with handmade items into a “proto-industrial culture” and the creation of a public sphere in a world constantly seeking to define itself. The relationship between the increasing number of cultural goods produced by publishers and the growing interest in reading among the people represents a main focus of this research. In other words, we tried to assess the social function of Romanian literature and the role of books on the market for cultural and informational products. By choosing a fairly long period of time (1880-1914), we were able to confront the data pertaining to literary production in a diachronic manner, analyzing the economic and political strategies of the “actors”, as well as the conflicts arising from the power relations between those actors. The analysis of the circumstances surrounding the transformations undergone by the Romanian cultural area enabled us to determine more clearly the social roles of the participants, the interactions and confrontations between actors and audiences. We could identify a crisis of the original Romanian literature, a crisis that fostered the “internationalization” of the literary production. The competition between cultural goods “imported” from the West in the form of translations or adaptations was one of the factors enhancing local literary production. <p>The cross-reading of documents (editorial plans, correspondence, press, personal and professional diaries etc.) allowed us to evaluate the evolution of the intentions, goals, realities and consequences of the official history of Romanian literature (which has its origins in this period). The differences between these stages revealed the power statuses of the forces involved in producing the literary canon; they also showed the growing influence of ideology on the cultural field since the end of the nineteenth century. The diachronic analysis of the titles published in the 34 years under scrutiny reflects the changes ocurring in the cultural policies of the state. The educational strategies concerning Romanian literature as a field of study revealed the state’s attitude change towards this area, which enabled us to assess the effects on the development of the “national literary heritage”.<p>The literary field, the central actor of our research, opened the possibility to operationalize several concepts pertaining to the history of book publishing. Thus, the tensions existing within the historical analysis of literature were transformed into a subject of reflection, even re-establishing some positions of dominance. The notion of bibliographical identity was employed in order to do a diachronic reading of the era.<p>The research conducted for this dissertation gave us the opportunity to identify and analyze a range of exciting issues, such as the relationship between the participants involved in the production, dissemination and reception of literary works between 1880 and 1914.<p> / Doctorat en Langues et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The history of the ethnic borderlands of Hungary and Romania in the years 1867–1944 were marked by changing national borders, ethnic conflicts and economic problems. Using a local case study of the city and county of Szatmár/Satu-Mare, this thesis investigates the practice and social mechanisms of economic nationalizing. It explores the interplay between ethno-national and economic factors, and furthermore analyses what social mechanisms lead to and explain inclusion, exclusion and annihilation. The underlying principle of economic nationalizing in both countries was the separation of citizens into ethnic categories and the establishment of a dominant core nation entitled to political and economic privileges from the state. National leaders implemented a policy of economic nationalizing that exploited and redistributed resources taken from the minorities. To pursue this end, leaders instrumentalized ethnicity, which institutionalized inequality and ethnic exclusion. This process of ethnic, and finally racial, exclusion marked the whole period and reached its culmination in the annihilation of the Jews throughout most of Hungary in 1944. For nearly a century, ethnic exclusion undermined the various nationalizing projects in the two countries: the Magyarization of the minorities in dualist Hungary (1867–1918); the Romanianization of the economy of the ethnic borderland in interwar Romania (1918–1940); and finally the re-Hungarianization of the economy in Second World War Hungary (1940–1944). The extreme case of exclusion, namely the Holocaust, revealed that the path of exclusion brought nothing but destruction for everyone. This reinforces the thesis that economic nationalizing through the exclusion of minorities induces a vicious circle of ethnic bifurcation, political instability and unfavorable conditions for achieving economic prosperity. Exclusion served the short-term elite’s interest but undermined the long-term nation’s ability to prosper.

Déclenchée par une expérience personnelle – la recherche d’une « robe d’architecte » –, la présente étude gravite autour de l’architecture en Roumanie et se concentre sur le style de vie de ses professionnels. Si les modalités de distinction qui opèrent dans ce champ – encadrées par la théorie de Pierre Bourdieu – sont initialement apparues comme pistes à explorer, ce sont les écrits de Siegfried Kracauer qui m’ont permis de traiter le sujet de façon satisfaisante. En traçant les contours de l’image d’architecte qui, sur son chemin vers une meilleure vie, s’abandonne au souci de s’élever socialement, j’ai découvert avec étonnement les architectes réservés de T. – la ville moyenne de Transylvanie qui a constitué le terrain de mon enquête. Ce qui s’est présenté au début de ma démarche comme obstacle est devenu, au fil de l’analyse, son aspect le plus fécond : dans les hésitations des architectes de T. (les ellipses et rectifications de leur discours), j’ai pu discerner plus de traits de leur réalité quotidienne que je l’avais d’abord anticipé. Grâce aux leçons de Siegfried Kracauer – son œil attentif, son intérêt pour les détails, ses capacités d’étonnement tout comme sa sensibilité aux idéologies et grandes directions de la société et son ouverture aux matériaux offerts à la sociologie – et à son style d’écriture, j’ai pu déceler des indices qui m’ont permis de plonger dans la réalité des architectes de T., une réalité mêlée d’une gloire rêvée et d’incertitudes vécues. C’est cette exploration minutieuse du quotidien et du discours des architectes de T, mis en balance avec leur représentation dans des œuvres littéraires et cinématographiques, qui se reflète dans le présent mémoire et le structure. / Triggered by a personal experience – the search for an “architect’s dress” – the present study revolves around architecture in Romania and focuses on the lifestyle of its professionals. If the modes of distinction operating in this field – formulated in Pierre Bourdieu’s theory – initially appeared as a path to be explored, it is the writings of Siegfried Kracauer that allowed me to capture the subject more aptly. By drawing the contours of the image of an architect who, on his way to a better life, abandons himself to the thirst to raise socially, I discovered the reserved architects of T. – the average-sized city of Transylvania, which was at the heart of my investigation. What emerged at the beginning of the process as an obstacle, soon became its most fruitful aspect: in the architects’ hesitations (the gaps and rectifications in their discourse), I could discern more aspects of their daily reality that I had initially anticipated. Thanks to Siegfried Kracauer’s lessons – his keen eye, his interest in details, his capacities of astonishment as well as his sensitivity to the ideologies and major directions of society and his openness to the various materials offered to sociology – as well as his style of writing, I was able to detect clues, which allowed me to plunge into the reality of architects in T., a reality combining dreams of glory and experienced uncertainties. It is this meticulous exploration of the everyday life and discourse of architects in T, weighed against their representation in literary and cinematographic works, which is reflected in the present memoire and lends it its structure.

Cette thèse analyse les politiques à l’égard des minorités ethniques et religieuses sous une perspective comparative entre la Roumanie et la Bulgarie. La première partie s’interroge sur les politiques à l’égard des minorités dès la création des Etats-Nations et ensuite leur situation durant les régimes communistes dans les deux pays. La deuxième partie met l’accent sur l’analyse des deux modèles d’intégration des minorités après 1989 et étudie la question de l’émergence de la représentation politique des Turcs en Bulgarie, des Hongrois en Roumanie et des Roms dans les deux pays. La recherche étudie comment les politiques et les dispositifs sont destinés à favoriser l’intégration des groupes minoritaires dans les deux pays. Une attention est accordée à la genèse et à l’évolution, ainsi qu’à la mise en œuvre de ces projets d’action publique.Cette recherche est enrichie par l’analyse des entretiens semi directifs, des observations ainsi qu’une analyse des statistiques, de la presse nationale et locale, des dispositifs juridiques et des programmes des partis. Quatre hypothèses principales sont défendues dans cette thèse : la transformation des identités ethniques en identités politiques- l'idéologisation des politiques à l'égard de minorités- l'autonomisation du religieux par rapport à l'ethnique et, enfin, de l'impact indirect de l'européanisation sur le traitement des minorités. / This thesis analyzes the politics about national and religious minorities in a comparative perspective between Romania and Bulgaria. The first part examines the policies toward minorities since the creation of Nation-State and their situation during the communist regime in both countries. The second part focuses on the analysis of the two models of minorities’ integration after 1989 and examines the question of emergence of political representation of Turks in Bulgaria, Hungarians in Romania and Roma. The research studies how the policies and the devices are intended to facilitate the integration of the minority groups in both countries. An attention is granted to the genesis and to the evolution, as well as to the implementation of these projects of public action.This research analyzes semi directive conversations, observations as well an analysis of the statistics, the national and local press, the legal devices and the programs of the political parties.

This dissertation is an analysis of observations among, and interviews with, Romanian and Swedish employees at a Swedish development aid project in Romania. The aim has been to study the categories of ‘humanity’: how the notions of the ‘human(e)’ and the ‘inhuman(e)’ were created in the context of the project. Further, the aim of the thesis has been to connect the relations in everyday life as it develops in an aid project to the social and societal processes of change in today’s Europe. Chapter 1 introduces the theoretical and methodological frameworks of the study. Chapter 2 analyses media representations of institutionalized children in Romania, and describes the development aid in Romania. Chapter 3 describes and analyses the practical work with the children in the everyday life of the project. Chapter 4 focuses on the locally employed project staff, and their adoption of a ‘more human(e)’ identity through working with the Swedish NGO. Chapter 5 analyses how the construction of difference took place in the everyday life of the development aid project. Chapter 6 analyses the development aid as exchange of gifts and applies models of analysis of social work with the so-called deserving and undeserving clients. Chapter 7 is a concluding chapter. The construction of the ‘human(e)’ and its opposite, the ‘inhuman(e)’, could be found on three levels. These categories were used in reference to: (1) the children, the sick elderly and the poor families that were the clients of the aid project and were expected to be ‘humanized’ in the course of project implementation; (2) the Romanians who were employed by the Swedish organization and who were to be humanized through their work and through learning Western views on what the human being is; and (3) by implication, the whole Romanian society and all the Romanians who were also to be ‘humanized’ through the intervention of the Western NGOs.

Un nouvel contexte de sécurité en Europe a fait place à l’ère bipolaire au cours des années 1990. La chute du communisme découvre une Europe scindée entre les pays occidentaux et les pays de l’Europe orientale, une région positionnée au carrefour des civilisations, tributaire encore aux défis, dangers et risques qui accompagnent la chute de l’empire soviétique. Au début des années 1990, un nouveau paradigme de sécurité, surnommé le « paradigme de sécurité gelé » remplace l’ancien paradigme de la bipolarité, spécifique à la guerre froide. Le manque de coopération entre les pays de la région devient la principale caractéristique de l’époque, au début et lors du moment unipolaire. Le tableau de la sécurité régionale nous montre deux camps avec des conceptions apparemment irrémédiables : d’un part, les pays appartenant à l’ancien système communiste, chacun avec les propres craintes vis-à-vis d’un possible revirement de la Russie et chacun avec une forte orientation pro-occidentale. D’autre part il existe une Russie désireuse de rétablir la sphère d’influence perdue et de regagner la gloire impériale, en utilisant de plus en plus une nouvelle méthode de coercition, l’arme énergétique. Dans cette équation de pouvoir, il est intéressant de poursuivre l’évolution et le rôle de la Roumanie, un pays de faille, appartenant par la langue et par la culture à la civilisation occidentale et par religion à la civilisation orthodoxe. En définitive, par son positionnement stratégique, et par sa volonté de retrouver son identité européenne perdue lors du communisme, la Roumanie deviendra l’une des importants piliers de la défense otaniene dans cette part du continent. / A new security environment in Europe replaced the bipolarity era since the ‘90th. The fall of communism reveals a Europe divided between Western countries and the Eastern Europe, region located at the crossroads of civilizations, tributary to the challenge, risks and hazards accompanying the Soviet collapse. Early ’90th, a new security paradigm, the “paradigm of freeze security” replaces the old one of bipolarity during the Cold War. The lack of cooperation among the countries in the region is the main characteristic of the period, from the beginning and during unipolar moment. The picture of regional security show us two camps having apparently irremediable ideology: on the one hand, countries belonging to the former Soviet empire, each of them having their own concern about a possible sudden change of Russia, but with a strong Western orientation, and on the other hand, the existing Russian empire willing to reestablish a sphere of influence and to regain lost imperial glory, using increasingly a more and new coercion weapon – the energy weapon. In this equation of power, is interesting to observe the evolution and Romania role, a buffer security zone, by the language and culture belonging of Western civilization and by religion of Orthodox civilization. Ultimately, by its strategic position and desire to find again, its European identity, lost during Communism era, Romania will become one of the important pillars of NATO defense, in this part of the continent.

The aim of this research was to investigate the way in which ADHD is understood and constructed within Romania and Scotland, comparing and contrasting the discourses that constitute ADHD within different cultural contexts.Overall, this study employed a mixed method design based on a concurrent nested approach which was undertaken in 2 phases. In phase 1, 50 parents, 72 primary school teachers and 48 support staff from Scotland, and 50 parents, 86 primary school teachers and 57 support staff from Romania, completed a self-report questionnaire that measured their knowledge and attitudes towards ADHD. The statistical results showed that, for the knowledge of ADHD test, both sample of parents, teachers and support staff scored the highest at symptoms/diagnosis subscale. Parents,teachers and support staff from the Romanian sample scored the lowest at the treatment subscale whereas the Scottish respondents had difficulties in answering questions about the nature, causes and prognosis of ADHD. In terms of their self-reported attitudes, both samples of Scottish and Romanian parents, teachers and support staff scored the highest on the affective attitude subscale. Scottish teachers and support staff scored the lowest on the behavioural attitude subscale whereas Romanian teachers and support staff scored the lowest on the cognitive attitude subscale. On the other hand, both samples of Scottish and Romanian parents scored the lowest on the behavioural attitude subscale. These patterns were further explored in phase 2 of the study, where 5 Scottish and Romanian mothers, 3 Scottish and Romanian primary-school teachers and 3 Scottish and Romanian support staff were selected to take part in a semi-structured interview. Parents, teachers and support staff from both countries responded within a medical model of disability employing themes such as ADHD as a medical condition, the medicalisation of behaviour, behaviour as out of control or the specialness of ADHD. However, participants also adopted a social conceptualisation of ADHD, referring to ADHD as a social phenomenon, resisting medicalisation and describing the educational and medical "wrongs". Reflecting the uncertainty in the field, participants’ conceptualisation of ADHD expanded, modified or even shifted from one perspective to another. The cross-cultural comparisons used the Appadurai's theoretical framework of "scapes" to explain the global nature of ADHD as well as the differences between Scottish and Romanian parents, teachers and support staff in relation to the three most important results of this study: treatment of ADHD, inclusion of children diagnosed with ADHD in mainstream education and parents’ and teachers’ willingness to get involved. The findings have been used to develop a multidisciplinary framework for support, empowering teachers and parents with knowledge of ADHD and improving cross-professional relationships. The fundamental idea of this framework is that it moves beyond the deficit paradigm, helping teachers, parents and stakeholders to be alert and responsive to the various conceptualisations of ADHD and to understand how these schemata have come into existence in specific periods of time and in different cultural contexts.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Today, political scientists working with international organizations seek to resolve internal conflicts in Bosnia- Herzegovina, Cyprus, and Kashmir. To solve such crises, political scientists have mostly tried to apply domestic comparative politics approaches. These techniques emphasize agreements among internal actors and have not been successful in most cases. In the case of the Transdniestrian conflict in the Republic of Moldova, mediators have found it difficult to achieve internal agreement because external factors also have played a significant role during the conflict. Therefore, even if an internal agreement is achieved, it will remain fragile due to the vulnerable geographic location of the Republic of Moldova and to the limited state capacity to counter influential external actors. For the purpose of solving the Transdniestrian conflict in the long run, this thesis analyzes the possibilities of creating regional complex interdependence around the Republic of Moldova, which would strengthen an internal agreement to resolve the conflict. Regional complex interdependence inter-connects the countries interested in the region around the Republic of Moldova: Romania, the Russian Federation, and Ukraine. This solution presumes external and internal interconnections based on the complex interdependence theory of neo-liberalism. The main potential drawback is that any asymmetrical dependencies in the initial stage of cooperation will imbalance the proposed complex interdependence causing unilateral dependence (most likely on Russia) leading other actors to take countermeasures. In fact, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe as a neutral party has been being a legal umbrella for mediation since all parties consider it an appropriate organization for the negotiations. Nevertheless, creating such an arrangement requires an initial role of the United States of America and the European Union to balance Russian influence until the region becomes interdependent. At that moment, the continuation of the Transdniestrian conflict will become irrelevant because the pre-conditions for conflict will be eliminated. / Major, Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Moldova

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis analyses the causes and evolution of the conflict in the Republic of Moldova and capabilities of three conflict-regulating mechanisms to facilitate the final political solution of this conflict. The leading cause of the conflict is the competition among post-Soviet politicians, fighting over the division of the Soviet state and redistribution of politico-economic benefits. In their fight for power, the elites mobilized instrumental and primordial grievances of the population, thus giving an ethnic aspect to the confrontation. As an important intervening variable for the conflict escalation into a military confrontation is Russian interest in maintaining politico-economic and military domination over the region. Over time, all ethnic causes had been eliminated, thus creating the necessary conditions for the final political settlement of the conflict. However, the status quo, created around this conflict, suits the politico-economic interests of the Transdniestrian elites, and reinforced by the Russian interest in keeping the region under its influence, is encouraging them to promote a radical position toward the process of negotiations and to demand anything but independence, a fact that cannot be accepted by the legal Moldovan Government. In such circumstances, the final solution depends on the attitudes of the external players. However, the international players are dispersed over the methods of resolving this conflict, thus reinforcing the deadlock situation in the process of negotiation. This thesis argues that under the current circumstances, none of the conflict regulating mechanism, partition, confederation and federation will solve that particular conflict. However, the federalism has the most potential to serve as a tool for unification and conflict-resolution, but only if the international community and internal players will promote democratic values, rule of law and free marked orientation in the region, will reduce the benefits of the status quo situation and, finally, will offer substantial politico-economic and cultural autonomy combined with fair representation at the central level to the Transdniestrian region. / Lieutenant Colonel, Armed Forces of the Republic of Moldova

La France, durant la détente, mena une politique étrangère qui mit à profit les déviations internes de la Hongrie et internationales de la Roumanie par rapport à l'URSS. La politique française poursuivit des objectifs à la fois bilatéraux et multilatéraux : elle inscrivit son action dans un cadre hérité du passé, mais aussi dans un processus mouvant, celui d'Helsinki. Cette époque s'avéra une transition d'un point de vue aussi bien international que national : de la crise tchécoslovaque en 1968 au regain de tensions dans la seconde moitié des années 1970, les vecteurs d'influence de la France dans l'ancienne Europe centrale et oriental évoluèrent et s'enrichirent. Un partenariat difficile fut mis en place avec la Roumanie, qui avait entretenu de liens politiques étroits avec la France avant sa satellisation par l'URSS. Quant à la Hongrie, un dialogue naquit avec elle. Les limites des relations culturelles et militaires furent à l'inverse patentes. Ces deux démocraties populaires furent en effet perçues en France à travers tout un spectre de représentations, qui allait de l'adversaire militaire et idéologique au partenaire diplomatique pouvant converger avec l'Ouest. A contrario, les rapports économiques acquirent une signification croissante et furent encadrés par l'État. Ils répondirent à la volonté politique de développer les industries de haute-technologie en France, de s'opposer l'hégémonie des États-Unis en la matière, et de mettre à profit l'asymétrie de développement entre l'Est et l'Ouest pour saper la domination de l'URSS sur son glacis. En dépit de divergences au sein de l'État l'ouverture française fut ainsi menée de manière globalement cohérente. / France, during the "détente", led a foreign policy which took advantage of Hungary's and Romania' peculiarities compared to the USSR, Bucharest as for the international and Budapest as for the domestic policies. The French aims were both bilateral and multilateral. The French policy was developed in framework inherited from the past, but in a more fast-changing framework too, the Helsinki process. The period appeared to be a transition from the international and national points of view: from the Czechoslovak crisis in 1968 to the new tensions du ring the second half of the 1970s, the French way to influence former Central European countries changed and was enhanced. A difficult partnership was set up with Romania which country France had politically influenced before 1945, and a dialog created with Hungary. However concerning cultural and military relations, limitations were obvious. Indeed, these two people's democracies were seen in France through a whole spectrum of representations, from a military and ideological adversary to a diplomatic partner which was maybe able to converge with the West. On the contrary, economic relation became more and more important and were strongly supported by the government. Those relations were linked to a political determination to develop high-technology industries in France, to resist the United State hegemony in those fields and to undermine the Soviet rule on its empire by taking advantage of the asymmetrical level of development between the East and the West. Therefore, in spite of differences am on the state's administrations, the way the French relations were opened up to the East proved to be mostly consistent.