Cette étude est consacrée aux monnaies d’or et d’argent lagides comme moyen de l’action des rois d’Alexandrie entre l’avènement de Ptolémée V en 204 et la mort de Ptolémée IX en 81. Ce grand deuxième siècle est habituellement considéré comme un temps de crise profonde du pouvoir royal, alors aux prises avec des révoltes en Égypte, des luttes dynastiques et affaibli par la perte de la plupart des territoires extérieurs hormis Chypre et Cyrène. Dans ce contexte, la place et le rôle des émissions ptolémaïques dans la gestion du royaume par les Ptolémées peuvent être questionnés. Pour cela, nous avons répertorié 6 413 pièces au sein d’un catalogue dans le but de collecter un maximum d’informations ainsi que pour réaliser une étude des niveaux de production tout au long de la période. A cela s’ajoute l’établissement d’un catalogue des trésors et trouvailles isolées remis à jour. Une deuxième partie est dédiée à l’importance ainsi qu’aux classements de ces émissions qui sont discutés et parfois révisés au regard des informations réunies. Pour cela, les 380 analyses élémentaires de monnaies d’or et d’argent réalisées à l’IRAMAT fournissent une somme d’informations inédites. Enfin, nous tentons d’insérer les nouvelles données produites dans les connaissances générales de l’histoire du royaume des Ptolémées au IIe siècle. L’enjeu est de déterminer dans quelle mesure l’usage de la monnaie peut être un révélateur des politiques royales. Il convient également de définir l’importance de ce moyen de paiement et dans quels cas il est employé. Ainsi, le témoignage des monnaies permet d’analyser certains aspects de la réaction du pouvoir royal lagide face aux difficultés rencontrées au IIe siècle. / This study is dedicated to the Ptolemaic gold and silver coins as means of action of kings of Alexandria from the advent of Ptolemy V in 204 until the death of Ptolemy IX in 81. This expanded second century is usually considered as a time of deep crisis of the royal power, then battling against internal revolts in Egypt, dynastic fights and weakened by the loss of most of the foreign territories except Cyprus and Cyrene. In this context, the place and the role of the Ptolemaic issues in the management of the kingdom by the Ptolemies can be questioned. We listed 6 413 coins within a catalog to collect a maximum of information there as well as to realize a study of the levels of production throughout the all period. Then, an updated catalog of hoards and isolated finds is added. The second part is dedicated to the whole importanceas well as to the classifications of these broadcast issues which are discussed and sometimes revised with regards to the information gathered. For that purpose, the contribution of 380 elemental analysis of gold and silver coins achieved in the IRAMAT laboratory supplies a sum of new information. Finally, we try to insert the new data produced intothe general knowledge of the history of the Ptolemaic kingdom in the second century. The stake is to determine to what degree the use of coins can reflect the royal policies. It is also advisable to define the importance of this means of payment and in which cases it is used. In the end, the testimony of coinage allows us to analyze certain aspects of the reaction of the Ptolemaic royal power confronting difficulties met in the second century.

A proposta deste trabalho tem por objetivo a análise da trilogia das crônicas de Fernão Lopes (1380? 1460), a saber: a Crônica de D. Pedro I, a Crônica de D. Fernando e a Crônica de D. João I para se compreender a construção das imagens relacionadas ao exercício do poder régio delineadas por este cronista. Para além de registrar e ordenar a história do seu reino, Fernão Lopes tem como projeto a recuperação da memória da dinastia Avisina. A leitura da trilogia lopeana revela os caminhos que o cronista escolhe para reforçar a criação desta dinastia modelo, que servirá de espelho para a sua contemporaneidade e para as gerações futuras. Entendemos também que as representações do estado de Rey de cada monarca biografado presentes nestas narrativas são medidas essenciais para a revelação de como o cronista percebe formas e modos diferentes de se governar o reino. Estas prerrogativas ou a ausência delas faz com que o poder régio possa ser justificado e legitimado na prosa do cronista. Pretendemos aqui fazer a análise das três crônicas em conjunto, reconhecendo a importância de cada uma delas enquanto uma contribuição à construção da perspectiva evolutiva pretendida pelo cronista, a fim de se identificar a carga da intencionalidade no discurso lopeano, que é construído com base em símbolos e imagens do poder em cada capítulo de suas crônicas. / This work aims at analyzing the Lopes trilogy of chronicles (1380? - 1460), namely the Chronicle of D. Pedro I, the Chronicle of D. Fernando and the Chronicle of D. João I, in order to understand the construction of images related to the exercise of royal power outlined by this chronicler. In addition to recording and organizing the history of his kingdom, Fernão Lopess project is to recover the memory of the Avis dynasty. The reading of the Lopes trilogy reveals the ways in which the chronicler chooses to enhance the creation of this model of dynasty, which serves as a mirror to his contemporary and future generations. We also understand that the representations of the \"state of king\" of each monarch presented in these narratives are essential to reveal how the chronicler perceives the different forms and ways of ruling the kingdom. These requirements or the lack of them justify and legitimize the royal power within the chroniclers prose. In this work, we propose to analyze the profiles of the three kings as built by the medieval chronicler Fernão Lopes in his three chronicles. We intend to analyze these chronicles as a whole, recognizing the meaning of each one as a contribution to the construction of the diachronic perspective in the chroniclers speech. In that way we attempt to identify the charge of intention in Lopess speech, which is built on images and symbols of power in each chapter of his chronicles.

Em Portugal e Castela, entre fins do século XV e ao longo do século XVI, importantes espaços da monarquia foram ocupados pela Ordem de São Jerônimo. A presente tese ocupa-se de tratar dos incentivos dos monarcas desses dois reinos às casas jerônimas como parte da propaganda régia. Em especial trataremos dos dois monastérios mais favorecidos pelas monarquias: Santa Maria de Belém e San Lorenzo El Real del Escorial. Os dois edifícios foram construídos por iniciativa real, em momentos de alargamento do poderia desses reinos em outros continentes e em contextos em que a possibilidade de união dos reinos peninsulares era vislumbrada, inicialmente por D. Manuel e depois por Felipe II. A pesquisa se ocupou em estudar documentos iconográficos, textuais e de cultura material, em especial, buscando compreender o discurso expresso nos edifícios aliados ao discurso oficial escrito sobre o governo desses monarcas. / In Portugal and Castile, between fifteenth century and sixteenth century, important spaces of the monarchy were occupied by the Order of St. Jerome. The present thesis deals with the incentives of the monarchs of these two kingdoms to monasteries of St. Jerome as part of the royal propaganda. In particular we will treat the two monasteries most favored by the monarchies: Santa Maria de Belém and San Lorenzo El Real del Escorial. These two buildings were built on the initiative of kings, at times of enlargement of the kingdom and in contexts in which the possibility of union of the peninsular kingdoms was glimpsed, initially by D. Manuel and later by Felipe II. The research was focused on studying iconographic, textual and material culture documents, in particular, seeking to understand the discourse expressed in the buildings allied to the official written discourse on the government of these monarchs

This dissertation is the result of a study of power relations between the crown and the church in Sweden during the 17th century. The study is focused on the Swedish Parliament and how the Estate of the Clergy responded to royal pretensions. The Swedish Clerical Estate is viewed as essential for the Swedish state formation process. The argument in the study is inspired by theories suggesting that state building and state formation were outcomes of a bargaining process between rulers and local power holders. The perspective presented by the historian Jan Glete is of great importance. He defines the early modern state as a complex organization providing protection and violence control. He emphasizes that the power of the state and the state’s character were dependent upon how the state could assert power. In order to do this, the rulers bartered with their subjects using protection as a commodity while in return the subjects paid required taxes. This bargaining process is interpreted as interactive. The rulers linked various local interests to the state and in doing so gained control of the society and the use of violence. The Swedish Clerical Estate played an important role in this process. Due in part to this fact, the clergy differed from the other subjects of the realm such as the nobility or the peasants. The clergy did not own any sizeable amount of property and did not exert any economical influence. Instead the Clerical Estate negotiated using their ideological, cultural and political resources. These commodities became essential in how the king organized the state. In exchange for royal protection, the clergy were given the task of supporting and explaining the crown’s economical and military needs. By doing so, the Clerical Estate legitimated the royal power in the parliament and in the society as a whole. At the same time, this negotiation signified a definition of the role of the clergyman within the state. Though the Clerical Estate sometimes tried to reject royal claims, it was the king who decided the conditions of negotiation. The parliament as a political field was created by the king and for the king. From a political point of view, religion and a theological framework became of great importance and were adopted by the crown in order to exploit resources. Taking this into consideration, the 17th century Swedish state seems to be more effective than other European early modern states.

Em Portugal e Castela, entre fins do século XV e ao longo do século XVI, importantes espaços da monarquia foram ocupados pela Ordem de São Jerônimo. A presente tese ocupa-se de tratar dos incentivos dos monarcas desses dois reinos às casas jerônimas como parte da propaganda régia. Em especial trataremos dos dois monastérios mais favorecidos pelas monarquias: Santa Maria de Belém e San Lorenzo El Real del Escorial. Os dois edifícios foram construídos por iniciativa real, em momentos de alargamento do poderia desses reinos em outros continentes e em contextos em que a possibilidade de união dos reinos peninsulares era vislumbrada, inicialmente por D. Manuel e depois por Felipe II. A pesquisa se ocupou em estudar documentos iconográficos, textuais e de cultura material, em especial, buscando compreender o discurso expresso nos edifícios aliados ao discurso oficial escrito sobre o governo desses monarcas. / In Portugal and Castile, between fifteenth century and sixteenth century, important spaces of the monarchy were occupied by the Order of St. Jerome. The present thesis deals with the incentives of the monarchs of these two kingdoms to monasteries of St. Jerome as part of the royal propaganda. In particular we will treat the two monasteries most favored by the monarchies: Santa Maria de Belém and San Lorenzo El Real del Escorial. These two buildings were built on the initiative of kings, at times of enlargement of the kingdom and in contexts in which the possibility of union of the peninsular kingdoms was glimpsed, initially by D. Manuel and later by Felipe II. The research was focused on studying iconographic, textual and material culture documents, in particular, seeking to understand the discourse expressed in the buildings allied to the official written discourse on the government of these monarchs

A proposta deste trabalho tem por objetivo a análise da trilogia das crônicas de Fernão Lopes (1380? 1460), a saber: a Crônica de D. Pedro I, a Crônica de D. Fernando e a Crônica de D. João I para se compreender a construção das imagens relacionadas ao exercício do poder régio delineadas por este cronista. Para além de registrar e ordenar a história do seu reino, Fernão Lopes tem como projeto a recuperação da memória da dinastia Avisina. A leitura da trilogia lopeana revela os caminhos que o cronista escolhe para reforçar a criação desta dinastia modelo, que servirá de espelho para a sua contemporaneidade e para as gerações futuras. Entendemos também que as representações do estado de Rey de cada monarca biografado presentes nestas narrativas são medidas essenciais para a revelação de como o cronista percebe formas e modos diferentes de se governar o reino. Estas prerrogativas ou a ausência delas faz com que o poder régio possa ser justificado e legitimado na prosa do cronista. Pretendemos aqui fazer a análise das três crônicas em conjunto, reconhecendo a importância de cada uma delas enquanto uma contribuição à construção da perspectiva evolutiva pretendida pelo cronista, a fim de se identificar a carga da intencionalidade no discurso lopeano, que é construído com base em símbolos e imagens do poder em cada capítulo de suas crônicas. / This work aims at analyzing the Lopes trilogy of chronicles (1380? - 1460), namely the Chronicle of D. Pedro I, the Chronicle of D. Fernando and the Chronicle of D. João I, in order to understand the construction of images related to the exercise of royal power outlined by this chronicler. In addition to recording and organizing the history of his kingdom, Fernão Lopess project is to recover the memory of the Avis dynasty. The reading of the Lopes trilogy reveals the ways in which the chronicler chooses to enhance the creation of this model of dynasty, which serves as a mirror to his contemporary and future generations. We also understand that the representations of the \"state of king\" of each monarch presented in these narratives are essential to reveal how the chronicler perceives the different forms and ways of ruling the kingdom. These requirements or the lack of them justify and legitimize the royal power within the chroniclers prose. In this work, we propose to analyze the profiles of the three kings as built by the medieval chronicler Fernão Lopes in his three chronicles. We intend to analyze these chronicles as a whole, recognizing the meaning of each one as a contribution to the construction of the diachronic perspective in the chroniclers speech. In that way we attempt to identify the charge of intention in Lopess speech, which is built on images and symbols of power in each chapter of his chronicles.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-11-07T19:38:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza Junior, Almir-Tese-Historia-2014.pdf: 1593509 bytes, checksum: 8389dad0fce8a1b5413610ea4ed64da3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-07T19:38:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza Junior, Almir-Tese-Historia-2014.pdf: 1593509 bytes, checksum: 8389dad0fce8a1b5413610ea4ed64da3 (MD5) / O presente trabalho analisa a teoria política desenvolvida durante a Idade Média, mais especificamente no reino de Castela e Leão durante o século XIII. O período abrangido pela análise, dos anos de 1252 a 1284, diz respeito ao reinado do monarca Afonso X, que recebeu o cognome “o Sábio”. Durante o seu governo, ocorre a produção de uma farta bibliografia nas matérias do direito e da história, na qual podemos identificar os principais pressupostos de um discurso político que busca ressaltar a superioridade da autoridade régia em relação aos demais poderes senhoriais existentes naquele contexto. Paralelamente à produção destas obras, temos um franco processo de arrefecimento das relações entre monarquia e aristocracia nobiliárquica no reino. O tensionamento na relação entre essas frações de grupo no poder chegou ao ponto em que os nobres se insurgiram por duas vezes contra o poder do rei. Lutando contra as interpretações reducionistas que afirmam que a elite senhorial dilapidava o poder das monarquias, buscaremos, ao longo da tese, enfatizar que tanto a nobreza como a monarquia eram grupos pertencentes a uma mesma classe social, compartilhando os mesmos valores e referencias de afirmação de classe. Por mais que tenham ocorrido disputas no interior da classe aristocrática, tanto a monarquia quanto a aristocracia não concebiam uma sociedade em que uma não dependesse da outra para subsistir. / The present work analyzes the political theory developed during the Middle Ages, specifically in the kingdom of Castile and Leon during the thirteenth century. The period covered by the analysis, from the years 1252 to 1284, covers the reign of King Alfonso X, who received the epithet “the Wise”. During his government, we have an abundant production of literature in the fields of law and history, in which we can identify the main assumptions of a political discourse that seeks to highlight the superiority of the royal authority in relation to other existing aristocratic powers in that context. Alongside the production of the work, we have an open process of cooling of relations between monarchy and aristocracy nobility in the kingdom. The tension in the relationship between these fractions of the group in power has reached the point where the nobles rebelled twice against the king’s power. Fighting reductionist interpretations that claim that the noble elite dilapidava the power of monarchies, seek, throughout the thesis, emphasize that both the nobility and the monarchy were groups belonging to the same social class, sharing the same values and references to assertation class.For more disputes that have occurred within the aristocratric class, both the monarchy as the aristocracy did not conceive of a society in which one did not depend on another to survive.

L’intégration de la Catalogne dans la monarchie française en 1641, ouvre une période de coexistence de deux univers politiques différents. Pour la France, l’incorporation de cette nouvelle province intervient dans une société marquée par une culture de l’héroïsme. Le règne de Louis XIII coïncide avec son âge d’or, puisqu’il sert de fondement au pouvoir royal et de référence pour l’ethos nobiliaire. La guerre qui s’ensuit, porte la culture de l’héroïsme à son paroxysme. La proclamation du roi comme souverain de Catalogne ouvre de nouveaux horizons à cet imaginaire politique revitalisant un messianisme qui substitue un prince français au souverain espagnol. Le récit de l’entreprise catalane produit par l’entourage royal offre une nouvelle perspective à la construction de l’image de Louis XIII. L’horizon catalan «achève» la fabrication de son profil héroïque et lui sert d’apothéose, valorisant à posteriori la mort «sacrificielle» du roi conséquence de sa présence au siège de Perpignan. Les vice-rois se retrouvent également au centre d’un discours héroïque, protagonistes d’une véritable épopée catalane. Les lumières et les zones d’ombres de ces expériences de l’héroïsme apparaissent dans le devenir, parfois tragique, de ces représentants du roi. Outre les défis militaires et politiques relevant de leur charge, ils doivent faire face aux équilibres de pouvoir relevant de la cour. Côté catalan, l’avènement de Louis XIII s’inscrit dans la dynamique «révolutionnaire» entamée en 1640. Le meneurs de la révolte, qui protestent néanmoins de leur fidélité à Philippe IV, formulent un récit capable de donner une cohérence aux tumultes et à l’instabilité permanente de la situation. L’horizon d’une «restauration» providentielle de Catalogne apparaît alors. L’issue républicaine semble ici introuvable entre l’interruption formelle de la juridiction de Philippe IV et l’acclamation de Louis XIII. Dès lors un discours providentielle de restauration de la Principauté se développe à travers une royauté messianique incarnée par un nouveau prince. L’image du roi devient un idéal sur lequel les dirigeants catalans projettent leurs attentes politiques et se justifient. La visite à Barcelone, annulée in extremis, précède de peu sa mort. Les funérailles royales servent alors à magnifier ce récit, et offrent par l’image du roi «sacrifié» et à canoniser, un emblème pour la Catalogne française. / The integration of Catalonia into the French Monarchy in 1641 opens a period of coexistence of two political universes. In France, the incorporation of the new province arrives in a social context under the influence of a strong culture of heroism. Under Louis XIII’s reign culminates a process of reformulation of the heroic paradigm: a political model of government and an ethical referent for the French nobility. The heroic culture is taken to its paroxysm when the Spanish war begins. The proclamation of the king as sovereign of Catalonia opens new horizons for this imagery, mobilizing also old messianic referents. The narrative of the Catalan enterprise developed by the royal entourage offers a new perspective of Louis XIII’s image making process. This Catalan enterprise completes the build of the king’s heroic profile, and serves to make his apotheosis, emphasizing the fact of a sacrificial death as a consequence of the royal presence in the Perpignan’s siege.The viceroys become the center of a heroic narrative also. They are protagonists of a true «Catalan epic». The light and darkness of this heroic experience of politics appear through the destiny, sometimes tragic, of these king’s agents (and images). They have to face, besides the military and political challenges, the power struggles in court. On the Catalan side, the accession of king Louis XIII has to be considered in the «revolutionary» context of 1640. The leaders of the revolt, who claim to be loyal to their king, Philip IV, build a narrative able to tame serious adverse events that sometimes escape their control. The horizon of a providential «restoration» of Catalonia appears in this narrative. Republican time seems here «unfound», between the broken of one king’s jurisdiction and the other king proclamation. Since then a providential propaganda speech about the restoration of the Principality through a Messianic Royalty incarnated by the new prince. The new king’s figure becomes one idealized image where Catalans look to project their political expectations, as well as a way for the Catalan leaders to justify themselves. The failed royal visit to Barcelona shortly precedes the king’s death. The royal funerals serve to the crystallization of these narratives: they offer the image of a «sacrificed» king, who is also a saint. He becomes the real emblem of the Franco-Catalan regime.

Dès la genèse des universités, à la fin du XIIe siècle, leur autonomie implique un certain rapport au pouvoir puisqu’elles n’existent que si elles sont reconnues et garanties par des autorités extérieures. Les facultés de droit, composantes des universités, sont particulièrement liées au pouvoir politique en raison des rapports étroits unissant le politique et le droit. À partir du XVIIe siècle, en France, le pouvoir royal s’ingère véritablement dans le domaine des facultés de droit. Ce processus d’immixtion du pouvoir politique sur les facultés de droit s’étend jusqu’au point culminant de la réforme napoléonienne instaurant l’Université impériale. Il s’agit d’une phase de transformation des facultés de droit, alliée à la mutation de l’État lui même, située entre les facultés de droit médiévales, détentrices d’une certaine autonomie, jusqu’aux institutions étatisées dont les finalités sont définies par le pouvoir politique. Les facultés de droit d’Italie du nord, pour le moins en Piémont et en Lombardie autrichienne, connaissent la même évolution au travers des réformes du XVIIIe siècle menées respectivement par Victor-Amédée II et Marie-Thérèse d’Autriche. L’influence politique, soulignant les finalités assignées aux facultés de droit, se traduit par un contrôle de la structure mais également par une immixtion dans le contenu même des enseignements. Ainsi, le type de juriste voulu par le pouvoir politique se dessine au travers des différentes réformes adoptées. / From the genesis of the universities in the late twelfth century, autonomy implies a certain relationship to power as they only exist if they are recognized and guaranteed by external autorithies. The Faculties of Laws, universities components, are particularly related to political power because of the close relationship liking the political and law. In France, from the seventeenth century, the royal power truly interferes in the field of law schools. This process of political interference power over law schools extends to the height of the Napoleonic reform establishing the Imperial University. It is a phase transformation of law schools, combined with the transformation of the state itself, between the faculties of medieval law, holders of a degree of autonomy, to the state-owned institutions, whose purpose is defined by the political power. The faculties of law in northern Italy, at least in Piemont and Lombardy Austrian, experience the same evolution through reforms of the eighteenth century led respectively by Victor Amadeus II and Maria Theresa of Austria. The political influence, highlighting the objectives assigned to the faculties of law, resulting in a control structure but also by interference in the same educational content. Thus, the type of lawyer wanted by the political power emerges through various reforms.

Aussi nommés hommes de loi, les juristes se sont naturellement passionnés pour cette source du droit au xviiie siècle, prenant part aux débats juridiques et politiques de ce siècle nomophile. S'ils reprennent la traditionnelle distinction entre loi naturelle et loi positive, c'est principalement cette dernière qu'ils développent, étant ici les témoins et les acteurs de la laïcisation et de la rationalisation de l'ordre juridique. Atteinte dans son fondement divin, la loi naturelle perd de son aura paradigmatique ; la raison humaine suffit à en percevoir le contenu et à établir la loi positive. Celle-ci s'affirme face aux autres sources du droit comme expression privilégiée de la volonté royale et comme moyen de l'unification du droit face à un pluralisme juridique de plus en plus contesté mais néanmoins persistant. Cependant, face à la peur du despotisme qui saisit le siècle, et tout particulièrement sa seconde moitié, la volonté royale, dénoncée dans ses possibilités d'arbitraire, est redoutée. Son expression, la loi, est alors mise sous tutelle, les juristes militant pour l'instauration d'un contrôle juridictionnel de la conformité de celle-ci à des normes de référence conçues extensivement. L'avènement de la nation, nouvel acteur politique vivifié par les appels aux États généraux, vient renouveler le débat. Revendiquant la souveraineté, elle se voit confier la puissance législative et la loi, désormais conçue comme l'expression de la volonté générale faisant le lien entre l'individu et la nation, trace la voie de l'émancipation du peuple. La Révolution française concrétise ces acquis théoriques, ouvrant à la loi les portes d'un long règne / Also called men of law, jurists had a natural passion for this source of law in the eighteenth century, taking part in the legal and political debate of this century. If they used the traditional distinction between natural law and positive law, they mainly developed the latter, being the witnesses and the actors of the secularization and the rationalization of the legal order. Criticized for its divine foundation, the natural law lost its paradigmatic aura ; human reason was enough to understand it and to establish the positive law. The latter asserted itself on the face of the other sources of law as the expression of the royal will and as the means of the legal system unification against a controversial legal pluralism which was nevertheless persistent. However, as despotism struck this century, and especially the second half, the royal will was feared because of possible arbitrariness. The law, as its expression, should be placed under supervision. Jurists thus campaigned for the instauration of a judicial review of law conformity with extensively considered reference standards. The emergence of the nation, new political actor invigorated by the States General being called, renewed the debate. The nation claimed sovereignty and received legislative power, and the law, from now on conceived as the expression of the general will that connected individuals and the nation, led the way to French people’s emancipation. The French Revolution carried out this theoretical progress and opened the door to a long reign for the law