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This study analyzes a recently published collection of poetry on the ongoing Russo-krainian war. Against a background of Russia’s new oppressive laws concerning the fact that a person can be sent to prison for up to 15 years for spreading “false information” about the war the study aims to investigate the way poets express themselves in the collective work Poeziia poslednego vremeni: Khronika, published in Saint Petersburg in the fall of 2022. The study was conducted through content analysis and close reading of selected poems of the collection. Conclusions that was drawn from the study is that the collective work contains poems with a strong anti-war message. Poets take a clear standpoint in the collection against the Russian regime and the war and oftentimes use a satirical and ironic way to undermine both the war and the Russian regime, which is remarkable considering the risk taken when speaking out against the war in today’s Russia.

On the 24th of February 2022, interstate war on a scale unseen since World War II returned to Europe, causing devastating suffering and loss of human life. As of writing, Ukraine’s ability to demonstrate battlefield success is frequently cited as key to sustain Western political willpower to send military aid. This study aims to test presumptions of a positive feedback loop between military assistance and its successful implementation with a mixed-method approach. Regression models analyze time-series data tracking a year of 33 countries’ military aid commitments to Ukraine using random effects (RE) to control for unobserved, country-specific and varying mediating variables. Based on German aversiveness to military solutions, a least-likely case debate analysis analyzes three Bundestag debates to uncover lawmakers’ justifications for approving or rejecting military aid proposals. Applying a theory-generating analysis framework, battlefield successes are confirmed as recurring arguments used to enforce pro-aid narratives, but do not necessarily overcome factors constraining military aid commitments. The RE regression finds a statistically significant positive relationship between Ukrainian battlefield success and military aid commitments. This raises immense implications for Ukrainian decisionmakers, who may be compelled to prioritize short-term military gains to secure future Western support.

This study aimed to highlight the practice of rhetoric and semiotics used in crisis communication during the Russian-Ukrainian war. On the 24th of February 2022, Russia began its invasion of Ukraine which resulted in the Ukrainian president, Zelensky, giving numerous speeches. In light of Zelensky's background as an actor, several discussions arose concerning his execution of delivery. The analyzed material in this study consisted of three speeches that Zelensky performed regarding the Russian-Ukrainian war, and these were collected from Youtube where the speeches were uploaded. The aim of this study was to investigate how Zelensky utilized rhetorical and semiotic tools in his communication. The investigation was carried out by qualitative content analysis, rhetorical analysis, and semiotic analysis, and the study was based on the theories of semiotics, rhetoric, and crisis communication. These literary tools and vocal speeches helped to answer the research question.The research showed that Zelensky was skilled in delivering his speeches in many ways. From a semiotic perspective, important elements, such as his looks and dress wear, as well as objects shown in the background, were analyzed during his speeches. This resulted in advantages such as a strengthened message and worldwide acceptance. Zelensky used influential rhetoric and distinct crisis communication to establish arguments and messages that awakened emotions in the audience to promote action.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has catalyzed a battle of perspectives and different framings of theconflict between both parties involved. The central figure of the framing on the Russian side hasbeen Vladimir Putin who through his discourse attempted to justify his war efforts by framing theinvasion as a civilizational conflict. Even though, there has been a growing body of literature that hasanalyzed the civilizational shift in discourse of Vladimir Putin. There has not been much theoreticalengagement with the “clash of civilizations” thesis outlined by Samuel P. Huntington (1993). Existing research on this topic remains limited due to the fact that the events covered in this thesis happenedlast year. This paper aims to fill gaps in existing research by analyzing Putin's Annexation Speech delivered on September 30, 2022, during the signing of treaties annexing four Ukrainian regions tothe Russian Federation. Employing Norman Fairclough's three-dimensional model (1989;1992;2010), this study provides a comprehensive analysis of Putin's Annexation Speech to ascertain theextent to which Putin utilized the "clash of civilizations". The main thesis of this paper is that Vladimir Putin largely built on the “clash of civilizations” concept in his speech to frame the conflict in aspecific way. Additionally, it is argued that the utilization of this rhetoric is likely to influence theconflict and preserve it at its current scale in the foreseeable future.

This thesis presents a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of comments about the Russo- Ukraine war on Facebook and Instagram from February 2022 until March 2023 and points out topics that are dominantly discussed and stereotypes that are used in connection to the war. For this, critical discourse analysis (CDA) was employed as analytical framework and method (Fairclough, 2010). Related concepts were taken into consideration such as ideology, power and hegemony (Gramsci, 1971) as well as Lippmann’s theory of stereotypes (1922). Furthermore, the users’ emotional connection to topics and stereotypes was established by conducting a sentiment analysis with the help of a word-emotion association lexicon (Mohammad & Turney, 2011). This lexicon was elaborated in the process of analysis: Irony as a new category emerged. Results suggest that online users judge individuals and groups of people, such as refugees and whole nations in predictable, simple, often negative categories or stereotypes as Lippmann (1922) described it over a hundred years ago. Whereas users express solidarity and love towards Ukrainians who stay in the country and fight bravely against the aggressor Russia at the beginning of the war, negative views are expressed towards Ukraine refugees and refugees in general who flee to Europe. Furthermore, Russophobic comments can be found and the current war situation is compared to the Second World War. Thereby, users make use of irony in comments about dystopian scenarios such as facing a possible Third World War with nuclear strikes. Those results are critically discussed in connection to nationalist and populist ideologies.

Facebook is being used by both Russia and Ukraine as a tool of war, for very different purposes. This demonstrates that the platform no longer serves the sole function of connecting communities together. Existing literature has recognized that social media is being used in the current Russo-Ukrainian war but has yet to conduct comparative and contrastive analyses of Russian and Ukrainian social media strategies and effects. Conducting these analyses will illustrate not only what strategies are being used, but how they can be simultaneously advantageous and disadvantageous for belligerents. By focusing on one platform, Facebook, one can not only learn why it is of crucial importance to both countries, but how the platform might be used moving forward. The findings of this paper suggest that Russian and Ukrainian tactics on Facebook are similar in at least six ways, but on the whole, they differ more than they coincide. The six coinciding tactics include funding, documentation on the ground, narrative spreading, heightening morale, name-calling, and utilization of the platform by leaders. Additionally, the effect of any given strategy varies, with some being successful, and others unsuccessful. Ultimately, these findings can serve as a resource for the national security, social media, political, legal, and academic communities.

In the current state of the world, embassies provide a crucial perspective to world matters as an inspectional office to view the status quo from the front row of the global politics. The embassies as organizations are sensitive and reactive to the events in the global politics, making them organizations worth studying for more profound in the various levels they impact. The critical focus on the international event in this study was the Russian launched full-scale war on Ukraine and how the embassies and their employees reacted to it. The end goal of this study is to report the possible change and its impacts on the core work of the employees inside the embassies and how much they have to adapt and further develop their daily tasks and duties. This study was done from the qualitative perspective by conducting interviews and then analyzing the critical themes of the data and viewing the results in this research problem through the Social System’s Theory, which emphasizes the reactiveness and interdependencies of the different systems that work together and the Social Ecological Model that builds the understanding on three different levels on the world society and how they correlate from one to another. The change in the core work was reported to go from a broader perspective to individual employees and the other way around from employees to the organizations, producing change in multiple levels of the system. It was interesting to find out how individual experiences correlate with the broader worldwide reactions and how the work motivation is experienced in a situation such as this.

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Cette thèse consiste à interroger les expériences de la guerre russo-japonaise (1904-1905), en rapprochant deux objets historiques : l'histoire de la guerre et l'histoire de la médecine. Son objectif est de documenter et d’analyser l'organisation du Service de santé de l’armée impériale japonaise et les pratiques médicales qui en déroulent au tournant du vingtième siècle. En examinant la professionalisation de la médecine militaire pendant l’ère Meiji (1868–1912) et son implication pendant le conflit de 1904-1905, il est question de comprendre la production culturelle des discours, des objets et des images liées aux maladies et aux blessures de guerre. Cette analyse repose sur les regards croisés des différents acteurs (Japonais et observateurs internationaux) sur le corps blessé et malade, que les atteintes soient physiques ou psychiques. Les résultats montrent comment le bouleversement sur le champ de bataille, induit par l’augmentation de la puissance de feu et la réorganisation tactique et stratégique suscitée par cette dernière, est aussi le pendant d’une médicalisation des activités combattantes, de la recherche militaire et de la production d’expertises. Le paradigme du « combat asceptique » et le succès de la lutte contre les maladies servent à légitimer le rôle de la médecine dans les armées. Par ailleurs, la transformation des formes de violence de guerre accentue aussi la fragilité des médecins sur le champ de bataille, où les effets de l’industrialisation progressent. À l’épreuve de la professionnalisation, de la spécialisation et des pratiques individuelles, cette thèse discute les apports et les limites des stratégies adoptées par les médecins japonais pour préserver la santé des armées face à la violence de la guerre industrielle. / This thesis analyses the experiences of the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), bringing together two historical objects of inquiry: the history of warfare and the history of medicine. Its purpose is to document and understand the organization of the Imperial Japanese Army Sanitary Corps and the medical practices that unfolded within it at the turn of the twentieth century. Focusing on the creation and the institutionalization of the care of the war wounded and sick during the Meiji era (1868-1912) and its implications for the conflict of 1904-1905, this thesis highlights the institutional and social dynamics of military medicine and the cultural production of discourses, objects and images related to war diseases and wounds. Our theoretical framework articulates the entanglement of the various actors’ perceptions (Japanese doctors and international observers) on the wounded and/or diseased body. Our results show how the transformation of the battlefield, induced by increased firepower and the resulting tactical and strategic reorganization, was also a driving force for the medicalization of combat activities, military research and the production of expertise. These processes reshaped the paradigms of combat aimed at maintaining the competitiveness of the military, that the success of preventive medicine serves to legitimize. They also accentuate the fragility of the army and the structure of medicine on the battlefield, which were under increasing stress due to the rapid progress of industrialization. The professional specialization and individual practices observed during the war lead us to discuss the benefits and limits of the strategies adopted by Japanese military surgeons to resist the increasingly destructive realities of industrial warfare.