Em vinte anos de vanguarda russa, entre 1910 e 1930, seus artistas experimentaram diversas linguagens artísticas, do futurismo italiano ao mais vigoroso produtivismo (uma vertente radical de fusão da arte com a vida), em busca da expressão perfeita da modernidade, da realidade por eles vivida e da história em construção no período. Ao concentrar tantos caminhos e esforços em uma só instituição de ensino de artes, estava aberta a passagem para a inovação e a revolução que o VKhUTEMAS/VKhUTEIN operou dentro da história da arte soviética. A Seção de Base com suas disciplinas amplas e integradoras, a abertura pedagógica, as disputas teórico-conceituais, a extensa lista de professores vanguardistas e um ambiente acadêmico de pesquisa e novidades, são as principais conquistas da instituição que dominou a cena artística em Moscou e na União Soviética nos anos de 1920. Uma escola voltada para o futuro, para uma nova vida e um novo mundo. / In a short period of twenty years, between 1910 and 1930, the russian avant-garde artists experiment different kinds of artistic languages, from Italian Futurism to the Productivism, a radical trend in the front of life and art fusion - in the very straight way -, searching for the perfect expression of the modernity, the reality of these times and the making of history in these context. Focusing various ways and efforts in a single institute to teaching arts established a passage to the innovation and revolution how VKhUTEMAS/VKhUTEIN was inside the soviet art history. The Basic Unit, with its extensive and integrative ensemble of classes, the pedagogical aperture, the theoretical conceptual controversies, the wide list of avant-garde teachers and the openly to researches and growth academic environment are the key acquisition of this institute which ruled over the Moscow and Soviet Union artistic scene at the 1920\'s. A school orientated to the future, to the new life and new world.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto um debate que se desenvolveu durante o processo revolucionário russo, entre os anos de 1923 e 1928. Tal debate envolveu dois grupos: a Oposição de Esquerda, liderada por Leon Trotsky, e a Frente de Esquerda das Artes (LEF), movimento que aglutinou os artistas construtivistas. Ambos os grupos estavam interessados na reestruturação do modo de vida do proletariado russo como uma das dimensões do combate à burocratização do regime soviético e ao processo de modernização iniciado com a promulgação da Nova Política Econômica. A pesquisa examina, assim, as distintas posições e estratégias formuladas pela Oposição de Esquerda (e, posteriormente, Oposição Unificada) e pela LEF para o combate nos campos da cultura e do psiquismo. / This dissertation is about a debate that developed during the Russian revolutionary process, between the years 1923 and 1928. This debate involved two groups: the Left Opposition - led by Leon Trotsky - and the Left Front of Arts (LEF), a movement that brought the constructivist artists together. Both groups were interested in restructuring the way of life of the Russian proletariat as a crucial part of the fight against bureaucratization of the Soviet regime and the process of modernization, started with the enactment of the New Economic Politcy. The research thus examines the different positions and strategies formulated by the Left Opposition (and, later, the United Opposition) and the LEF for the combat in the fields of culture and psychism

Mikhail Yurevitch Liermontov (18141841) viveu em período marcado por grande comoção social, uma época de transição na vida e na sociedade Russa. Foi nesse contexto que Liérmontov escreveu a peça Mascarada, uma crítica à sociedade e aos hábitos fúteis e mesquinhos de sua época. Vsévolod Emilevitch Meyerhold (1874 1940) estreou a sua Mascarada em 25 de fevereiro de 1917 em meio a revolução que viria a derrubar a monarquia e a velha Rússia. Depois quase seis anos e ensaios e preparações, figurinos, objetos de cena e cenários criados especialmente para a peça estavam prontos para o que viria ser ao mesmo tempo o fim de uma era e o nascimento de um novo teatro. A presente dissertação se propõe a analisar Mascarada desde a sua gênese no romantismo de Liérmontov até a espetacular montagem de 1917 e seus desdobramentos no teatro. / Mikhail Yurevitch Lermontov (1814-1841) lived in a period marked by great social upheaval, a time of transition in life and in Russian society. It was within this context that Lermontov wrote the play Masquerade, a critique of society and the petty and trivial habits of his time. Vsevolod Emilevitch Meyerhold (1874-1940) premiered his Masquerade on February 25, 1917 in the midst of a revolution that would overthrow the monarchy and transform the old Russia. After almost six years of preparations and rehearsals, the costumes, props and scenery created especially for the piece were ready for what would be both the end of an era and the birth of a new kind of theatre. This dissertation aims to analyze the Masquerade from its genesis in the romanticism of Lermontov to the spectacular production of 1917 and its effect on theatre.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel Tabarani Santos Milanezi.pdf: 1513450 bytes, checksum: 8f5c6a283c49366c7ebbe72654295667 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Based on an esthetical-political analysis of the film Solaris, and an investigation on the personal and artistic life of Andrei Tarkovsky, within a historical and political context situated in the Soviet Union from the 1960s through the 1990s, it s proposed in this research to emphasize the shock between this artist and the Soviet State, with the purpose to demonstrate a political presence in Tarkovsky s work. Tarkovsky s own writings, the philosophical and esthetical concepts of Gilles Deleuze, the political notions of political presence of the work and esthetization of politics, written by Professor Miguel Chaia, give support to the foundations of this dissertation, making it possible to create: a discussion about Tarkovsky s conceptions of art and cinema; an analytical cut of the film Solaris, showing the esthetical, political, historical problems involved in this work; an overview of the Soviet cinematographic industry, debating the relationship between the artist Tarkovsky and the authoritarian bureaucracy of the Soviet State, as well as the effects of this as a political act of resistance made by the filmmaker through his filmography / A partir de uma análise estético-política do filme Solaris, e de uma investigação sobre a vida pessoal e artística de Andrei Tarkovsky, dentro de um contexto histórico-político situado na União Soviética dos anos 1960 até a década de 1990, propõe-se, nesta pesquisa, destacar o embate entre esse artista e o Estado soviético, com o objetivo de demonstrar uma presença política da obra de Tarkovsky. Os escritos do próprio Tarkovsky, os conceitos filosóficos e estéticos de Gilles Deleuze, as noções políticas de presença política da obra e estetização da política, trazidas pelo Prof. Miguel Chaia, dão embasamento para a fundamentação deste trabalho, possibilitando: uma discussão sobre as concepções de arte e cinema do artista Tarkovsky; um recorte analítico do filme Solaris, mostrando as questões estéticas, políticas, históricas envolvidas na obra; um panorama da indústria cinematográfica soviética, problematizando a relação entre o artista Tarkovsky e a burocracia autoritária do Estado soviético, assim como os efeitos disso enquanto ato político de resistência por parte do cineasta através de sua filmografia

As lacunas nos processos de comunicação entre as personagens dramáticas de Anton Tchékhov (1860-1904) apresentam-se como um traço básico e definitivo de sua poética. A análise dos processos comunicativos entre as personagens das quatro principais peças do autor - A gaivota (1896), O tio Vânia (1897), As três irmãs (1900) e O jardim das cerejeiras (1904) - elucida a criação de um novo paradigma artístico em seu sistema dramático, cujas inovações marcaram profundamente todo o teatro do século XX e exercem enorme influência até os dias de hoje. O presente trabalho apresenta um recorte das obras selecionadas em relação ao contexto russo da época, evidenciando inquietações que anunciavam transformações profundas na sociedade. Neste intuito, retoma a teoria dos gêneros literários e suas principais críticas, que realçaram a importância da relação entre os gêneros e o momento histórico em que se consolidavam; assim, adquire relevo nas análises o conceito de \"romantização\" dos gêneros proposto pelo filósofo e teórico literário russo Mikhail Bakhtin (1895-1975), a partir da ideia de \"supremacia\" do único gênero em devir. Com a emersão de elementos épicos e líricos na dramaturgia tchekhoviana, observa-se como o diálogo, forma do gênero dramático por excelência, motor das ações que impulsionam o avanço do enredo no sistema dramático tradicional, tem sua unidade enfraquecida, fazendo com que o drama tchekhoviano necessite da encenação para realizar-se plenamente. O \"invisível\" e o \"indizível\", aquilo que subjaz às réplicas, que está latente justamente nas lacunas dos processos comunicativos entre as personagens, torna-se vital a este novo teatro, que acolhe e conta com a imaginação de leitores/espectadores. / The gaps in the communication processes between the dramatic characters of Anton Chekhov (1869-1904) consist on a basic and definite trait of the author\'s dramatic poetics. The analysis of the communication processes of four of Chekhov\'s major plays - The seagull (1896), Uncle Vanya (1897), Three sisters (1900) and The cherry orchard (1904) - elucidate the creation of a new artistic paradigm in the author\'s dramatic system, the innovations of which deeply affected the twentieth century theatre and have exerted a major influence until today. The study approaches the selected plays firstly considering the Russian context of the period, highlighting historical transformations that were already on course. Secondly, it examines the literary genres theory, as well as the most important criticism it suffered. The concepts developed by the Russian philosopher and literary critic Mikhail Bakhtin (1895-1975), which took into account the relationship between the literary genres and the historical moments when they were being shaped, acquire great importance in our analysis. Specially the notion of the novel as a contemporary genre, which embraces and affects all the other genres. After clarifying this influence by identifying the presence of epic and lyric elements in Chekhov\'s plays, we observe how the dialogue, the traditional form of the dramatic genre, motor of the actions that push the plot forward, has its unit weakened. As a consequence, chekhovian drama needs staging to be fully achieved: what is not visible and cannot be reduced to words, what is latent in the gaps of communication, underlying the characters\' speeches, become vital to this new theatre, which welcomes and counts on the imagination of its audience.

Brazil's 1964-1985 military regime served as one of the principle catalysts for the leftist counterculture movement, Tropicália, which gave way to a new class of músicas engajadas. Later, during the period of redemocratization that followed the dictatorship, musicians extended the morphed the art into new forms, particularly through the use of rock-and-roll. The sociopolitical musical criticism that was formerly cloaked under the censorship stylistically transformed itself into an open, blunt, and much louder movement. Standing at the head of this new period of músicas engajadas was Renato Russo, frontman and lyricist of the Brock band Legião Urbana. At the height of political turmoil following the abertura, Russo confessed in a 1989 interview, "Até bem pouco tempo atrás, a gente realmente acreditava que poderia mudar alguma coisa. Depois, percebemos que não ia dar mais para mudar, mas continuamos acreditando" (Assad 207). This contradictory sentiment of both hope and despair in regards to the future of Brazil is present in a number of the lyricist's works. An analysis of Russo's músicas engajadas reveals a pattern of oppositions in Russo's relationship with the political and social state of Brazil, all of which can be categorized under the topic of hope versus disillusionment: an imagined utopian Brazil versus a perceived, present dystopia; progress versus stagnancy; and ironic criticism versus sincere aspirations for the future of Brazil. These contradictions are in part due to Russo's conflict as both an insider and outsider of the Brazilian experience, being raised physically close to the source of political unrest, but otherwise considered an outlier in terms of education, social circle, sexual orientation, and musical taste. This work analyzes the duality of hope and disillusionment in Legião Urbana's oeuvre in order to explore Russo's path in both criticizing and identifying the continuous missteps within the Brazilian state, and inspiring a new generation to correct the errors plaguing Brazil since colonial times.

自從蘇聯末期和中國的關係正常化以來，雙邊政治上的發展就不斷的提升，其中歷經了「建設性夥伴關係」、「戰略協作夥伴關係」，後來更簽訂「中俄睦鄰友好合作條約」，更進一步深化了兩國各方面的合作。在國際和區域上，也有著共同利益密切合作。 雙邊貿易方面，葉爾欽時期和普亭時期的兩國貿易往來有截然不同的結果。整個葉爾欽時期俄中貿易每年從未超過100億美元，但普亭時期不但突破百億美元大關，更在未來設定雙邊貿易預期目標達到600－800億美元，朝向另一個高峰邁進，雙邊貿易顯然增溫不少。因此本論文探究兩位總統時期對中國貿易政策的不同與比較。此外，雖然俄中雙邊關係到目前為止的發展良好，但是雙邊貿易合作上仍然顯的失色不少，也是本論文的觀察重點。 但是可以預見的未來，俄中貿易關係仍然會有所成長，特別是俄羅斯認為其國家利益在東方，按照目前的情況來看，俄羅斯東部地區尚未完全融入亞洲的經濟整合當中，兩國的經貿合作仍有進一步改善的空間。隨著兩國的經濟實力都不斷提升的狀況下，兩國各自的經濟發展也尚未達到目標，因此雙邊的經貿關係仍會持續進行，並有可能產生更多雙邊合作的發展，共同創造在未來國際經濟新秩序當中佔有一席之地。俄羅斯應該拋開過去對中國的成見，並努力實現其走向東方的外交政策，才能掌握中國經濟蓬勃發展的機遇，進而帶動本身經濟的成長，為俄羅斯東部創造更有利於開發的條件，這將是俄羅斯未來經濟發展重要的關鍵道路。 / Since the late period of USSR, the relationship between China and Russia has been promoting continuously. The “Sino-Russia Treaty of Friendship” enhances and deepens cooperation of both sides. Russia and China share common interest and cooperate together closely in international community and also in regions. As for bilateral trade aspect, the trade relationship of China and Russia has significant differences under Yeltsin and Putin period. Under Yeltsin period, the Sino-Russia trade has never over 10 billion US dollars annually, however, under Putin’s regime, annually the invest is over 10 million and also set up a goal of 60-80 billion US dollars annually, it is obvious that the both side trade relationship has been “heated up” a lot. Besides, although the bilateral relationship of China and Russia had a good progress, the trade cooperation of both sides still has space for improvement. This is one of the main issues which are observed in this research. According to current situation, the trade cooperation of both countries still has spaces for improvement because the east region of Russia has not been completely integrated into part of economic integration in Asia. However, the author contend that due to economic powers of China and Russia have been growing continuously and their economic developments have not yet reached the goals, so trade cooperation of both countries will undergo consistently and generate more opportunities for further cooperation to create an important role in new international economic orders in the future. The author concludes that Russia should abandon bias toward China and realize its foreign policy which is “walk into the East”. By doing this, Russia could grasp the best moment during prosperous economic development in China. Furthermore, it will help Russia overall economic growth and create more beneficial conditions for eastern Russia development.

本文旨在透過對外交檔案的整理及文獻之評析，探討1911年至1912年，以辛亥革命事件為核心，前後期間的中俄兩國關係。1911年十月十日在湖北武昌所爆發的新軍起事，以及其後的一系列局勢變化，最終造成了大清帝國的崩潰，與中華民國的成立，是二十世紀東亞史上的重要事件。俄羅斯帝國與大清帝國及其後的中華民國有著綿長的陸緣國界，兩國的政治、經濟、外交、與軍事互動也對十九世紀中葉後的當代中國有著深遠且持續的影響。研究方式主要利用中國、俄國兩國當時之外交文獻架構兩國關係之經緯，佐證關係第三國，如日本與英國之外交文獻以建立較多面向之觀點。 本文將所欲探討之兩國辛亥革命期間關係問題依照其性質分為幾個面向，其一是依照發生時間、二是依照所涉入之政治實體、最後則是依照兩國利害互動之場域，以簡單整理討論之體系次序。 / This thesis aims to sort through government diplomatic archives and historical literature, to analyze and discuss Sino-Russo relation centering the Hsin-hai Revolution period, from 1911 to 1912. The reformed army uprise that occurred in Wu-Chang, Hu-Pei on October, 10, 1911 and the following series of event it triggered eventually caused the collapse of the Ching dynasty and the establishment of the Republic of China, making it an important event in 20th century East Asia history. Between the Russia Empire and the Ching Empire, along with the Republic of China, share a well extended border on land. The political, economic, diplomatic and military interaction between the two nations also has profound and lasting influence toward the becoming of modern China from the later part of the 19th century forward. The research was mainly done by organizing through diplomatic archives and memoir at the time to outline the framework of the two nations’ relationship, adding in documents from interest related nations such as Japan and the United Kingdoms to construct a more multi dimension perspective. This thesis separates the study of Sino-Russo relation events during the Hsin-Hai revolution period into several different dimensions. The first is the time the event takes place, the second is by the political entity involved in the event, and the third is the area of interest or conflict of the indicated event, to make out a basic order of discussion.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2006. / Title from title screen. Christine M. Skwiot, Gerald H. Davis, committee co-chairs; Hugh H. Hudson, committee member. Electronic text (184 p. : ill. (some col.), col. maps) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed June 13, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p.175-184).

This thesis examines the discursive construction of Russian national identity through the 2008 war in Georgia with a focus on how this process was influenced by the Russian leadership’s desire to gain the support of both the domestic and international audiences for its actions outside its borders. These actions involved forceful military intervention, the recognition of the independence of the two Georgian break-away republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and the decision to place Russian military troops in the two republics during the aftermath of war. The study critically examines the official Russian discourse, with a focus on particular visions of national identity that this discourse utilized. The study demonstrates how the official discourse in the context of the 2008 war contributed to the construction of Russian national identity and thereby seeks to highlight the performative power of language. By placing considerable focus on the internal dimension of the Russian leadership’s conduct in the international arena, i.e. the consolidation of the national community in the event of war, the thesis contributes to an oft overlooked element of Russian foreign policy initiatives. Consequently, it seeks to challenge the tendency to explain Russian actions with regard to the war as a natural result of a neo-imperialistic identity – a tendency that fails to take into account how national identity can be constructed in its more immediate context. By making use of Rogers Brubaker's concept of nationalism as an event, the study discusses the increased force of nationalism during war and demonstrates how this was clearly the case during the 2008 war in Georgia. The analysis concentrates on three main identity visions within the official Russian discourse. Firstly, it examines how contemporary Russia was constructed as a great power, partly as a response to the claims that it was an imperialist state. Secondly, it discusses the role of certain historical concepts, i.e. the Cold War and the Soviet Union, within the discourse and elaborates upon the act of politicising history. Thirdly, the study analyses the Russian leadership’s protection narrative that emphasised the responsibility to protect Russian citizens and compatriots in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It is demonstrated how these different identity visions were intertwined, resulting in a rather contradictory official discourse that speaks to many different audiences simultaneously, while foregrounding the first of the above-mentioned identity visions, namely of Russia as a great power.