After 1999 the situation in then relatively stable Dagestan started to deteriorate swiftly. However, unlike in the cases of previous separatist movements which sprung up in some parts of the Russian Federation after the demise of the USSS, Dagestani separatists did not officially gather under the flags of nation but under the flags of Islam. Soon, Dagestan entered a period of instability and violence which turned into a vicious circle of bloodshed. In a short period of time, Dagestan radically turned from stability to large scale violence, which makes it necessary for us to understand the factors responsible for the current situation. The following thesis analyses the development of Dagestan after the collapse of the USSR, from the stable period of the 90s till these days, which are characterized by omnipresent violence. Employing the theoretical knowledge collected by other scholars and analyzing similar separatist movements in other parts of the post-socialist world, taking into account the specifics the North Caucasus region, this study attempts to identify the factors (grassroots) which caused the rise of Dagestani insurgence. In comparison with the Chechen separatism of the early 90s, it uncovers the roots and the real face of the "new wave" of insurgency which flooded Dagestan and started to...

Den här studien syftar till att analysera hur idén om främlingskap (ghurbah) framställs i olika övergripande sammanhang inom islam. Grunden i analysen ligger i Predikningar och föreläsningar av religiösa lärda muslimer i sociala medier, klassiska islamiska källor såsom Koranen och hadither, nashider (islamisk sång) samt artiklar från två jihadistiska tidningar Dabiq och Rumiyah. Valet av metod är baserad på att utföra en kvalitativ idéanalytisk studie där främlingskap som en idé beskrivs och förklaras. Analysen sker med hänsynstagande till ideologisk bakgrund och tidigare forskning. Avslutningsvis visar studiens resultat att främlingskap är ett förekommande fenomen i äldre islamiska källor, bland jihadister och i deras propagandaprocess, muslimernas religiösa erfarenhet i väst, kvinnors deltagande i samhället, individens egen omgivning samt narrativ konstruktion. Främlingarna (ghuraba) har specifika egenskaper som varierar beroende på den övergripande situationen de befinner sig i.

Au Sénégal, l’essentiel de la population musulmane est affilié au soufisme. Quatre principales confréries soufi, dont la tajaniyya, la mouridiyya, la qadiriyya et la layiniyya, organisent la vie islamique et définissent, en partie, l’identité du musulman sénégalais. Mais, depuis la fin des années 1970, des sénégalais revendiquent d’autres façons d’être musulman hors du soufisme et de ces confréries tout en restant sunnites (il existe une petite minorité de chiites). Ils se constituent en associations et mouvements islamiques très dynamiques. Leur rigorisme les mène à catégoriser les croyances et pratiques d’islam au Sénégal en orthodoxes (les leurs) et hétérodoxes (celles des soufi). Ainsi, ils se coupent de toute filiation confrérique soufi, critiquent des croyances et pratiques soufi et affichent leur différence par des codes vestimentaires, des pratiques islamiques, des comportements sociaux, etc. Ces logiques religieuses et identitaires les font appeler d’abord « arabisants » (par opposition aux sortants de l’école français, européenne) puis « ibadou », en référence au nom choisi, pour leurs membres, par les fondateurs de l’association Jama’atou Ibadou Rahmane (JIR).Dans cette thèse, nous avons essayé de montrer en quoi les « ibadou du Sénégal » nous renseignent sur les croyances et pratiques actuelles d’islam puis en quoi ils rendent compte des crises de l’islam dans ce contexte de globalisation marqué, depuis le 11 septembre 2001, par la médiatisation de l’islamisme radical et du terrorisme. / This doctoral dissertation investigates, and aims at highlighting, the ways in which the «ibadou of Senegal» account for the current Islamic practices and beliefs in Senegal and how they cope with the predicaments of Islam in the context of a globalizing world, mainstreamed ideas of radical Islam and terrorism, of which 11th of September 2001 has been a historical landmark. In Senegal, the majority of the Muslim population is affiliated to Sufism. Four main Sufi groups, namely the tajaniyya, the mouridiyya, the qadirriya and the layiniyya, organize the Islamic life and define the identity of the Muslim population in the country. However, since the late 1970s, some Senegalese people pursued other ways of practicing their religion, outside of Sufism while remaining Sunnis (with a minority of Chia Muslims). They organize themselves in communities with highly dynamic Islamic movements. Their religious rigorism mas made them categorize their Islamic faith and practices as Orthodox, and that of others as Heterodox (The Sufi Muslims). Furthermore, with an outright different dress code, they segregate themselves from the Sufi group by criticizing their beliefs and practices and promoting Islamic practices and social conduct of their own. They were, first, called “Arabist” by training and by their very religious and identity logics, (in opposition to those affiliated with the French schooling system) then now are known as « ibadou », in reference to Jama’atou Ibadou Rahmane, a name chosen for the members, but by the founders, of the Association.

Wahhabi interpretation of Islam, which came to Bosnia and Herzegovina with the arrival of foreign fighters and humanitarian organizations from Islamic countries during the war between 1992 and 1995, developed a conflicting relationship with the local Islamic tradition. Diploma thesis The position of the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Wahhabism between 1992 and 2016 uses a critical analysis of primary sources to explain development of the position of the official religious institution of Bosnian Muslims, the Islamic Community, to Wahhabism and its supporters since their arrival to the present. This paper shows that although the Islamic Community often seemed ambivalent in its approach, it took a negative stance to the alien religious tradition from the outset and even though its activities were inconsistent, the Islamic Community contributed to preventing the spread of Wahhabism in the country. Furthermore, we show that the position of the Islamic Community was rather determined by political needs than by religious incentives.

Cette étude aborde l’un des plus importants enjeux auxquels font face les mouvements islamiques, entre autres, l’engagement et la participation politique. Elle enquête sur la nature et les références de ses mouvements, en particulier le Mouvement de l’Unicité et de la Réforme (MUR) et aussi analyse, en adoptant une approche neutre et objective, combinant le cadre théorique avec celui de la pratique, leurs résultats en tant que mouvements sociopolitiques dans des communautés musulmanes, visant à apporter un changement social et politique. L’expérience de la participation politique des islamistes marocains à travers le Mouvement de l’Unicité et de la Réforme (actif politiquement, sous la couverture du Parti de la Justice et du Développement PJD) représente un modèle typique qui mérite toute attention de recherche et d’étude. En effet, le Maroc est parmi les premiers pays à autoriser aux mouvements islamiques modérés d’entrer officiellement dans le champ politique, et de s’y activer légalement. Aussi, ces derniers ont su se démarquer dans la scène politique et dépasser les thèses de coupures fondées sur une opposition radicale aux régimes gouvernants. Compte tenu de l’importance de la présence et du poids dont jouissent actuellement les mouvements islamiques, il est maintenant évident pour un grand nombre d’observateurs spécialistes que l’on ne peut plus parler de l’avenir politique et social dans les pays du monde islamique sans parler ou prendre en compte le rôle considérable de ces mouvements dans le tissu social du monde musulman. La plupart des études entreprises dans le domaine se préoccupaient du côté fondamental et théorique des mouvements islamiques, cependant cette présente étude s’émerge du lot par sa focalisation sur les organisations islamiques et leurs participations politiques en prenant le MUR comme cas d'étude. Elle aborde le problème définitionnel et cognitif lié à la notion des mouvements islamiques, puis explique la propagation rapide de ces mouvements dans le monde islamique, et identifie les idéologies motrices de leur action pour comprendre leurs concepts et leurs comportements envers l’autorité et la société. / This study addresses one of the most important issues facing Islamic movements, among others, engagement and political participation. It investigates the nature and references of these movements, particularly the Movement of Unification and Reform (MUR) and also analysis, adopting a neutral and objective approach, combining the theoretical framework with that of practice, their results as socio-political movements aiming to provide social and political change in Muslim communities. The experience of political participation of Moroccan Islamists across the Movement of Unification and Reform (active politically under the cover of the Justice and Development Party [PJD]) represents a typical model that deserves careful research and study. Indeed, Morocco is among the first countries to allow moderate Islamist movement, to officialy enter the political field and to activate in legally. Also, Islamists in Morocco have stood out in the political scene and overcame cuts theses based on a radical opposition to the governing regimes. Given the importance of the presence and weight currently enjoyed by Islamic movements, it is now clear to many observers and experts that we cannot talk about the political and social future in the countries of the Islamic world without mentioning or taking into account the important role of these movements. Most studies undertaken in the area were concerned with fundamental and theoretical aspects of Islamic movements; however, this study emerges from the batch by its focus on Islamic organizations and their political participation by taking MUR as a case study. It addresses the definitional and cognitive problem related to the notion of Islamic movements. Then explains the rapid spread of these movements in the Islamic world, and identifies the driving ideologies of their action to understand their concepts and attitudes toward authority and society.

中東伊斯蘭世界從十八世紀遭到西方殖民與帝國主義的侵襲之後，穆斯林在政治和宗教上都遭受到了巨大的衝擊，特別是伊斯蘭傳統中政教合一的體制。在西方的民主主義與民族國家成為中東地區主要的政治型態後，穆斯林本身並未享受到民主政府所帶來的優點，反而深受其害。因此，穆斯林便希望回到傳統的體制當中，恢復穆斯林社群光榮的歷史，也促使了伊斯蘭原教旨主義的產生。在穆斯林社群中，大致上可分為順尼與什葉，兩者雖然在政治與宗教的思想上有相同之處，但是也有許多不同的特點。因此本論文主先以什葉伊斯蘭原教旨主義為研究的對象，討論什葉伊斯蘭原教旨主義發展的歷史與影響。 其次，黎巴嫩真主黨是受到什葉伊斯蘭原教旨主義而出現的政教組織，亦成為今日黎巴嫩境內一合法的政黨。雖然將黎巴嫩轉變成伊斯蘭國家一直是真主黨所追求的目標，但是真主黨也明白地表示將不會以武力來強迫黎巴嫩的所有人民接受。因此真主黨如何以務實的策略面對黎巴嫩國內與國外政治力量的挑戰，以及如何影響了什葉伊斯蘭原教旨主義的發展，將是本論文探討的重點所在。 / Middle East and the Islamic world from the eighteenth century were the invasion of Western Colonialism and Imperialism, Muslims have suffered a huge impact in the sphere of political and religious, particularly in the Islamic tradition of theocratic system. Western democracy and the nation-state to become a major political patterns in the Middle East, the Muslims themselves did not enjoy the advantages of democratic government, but suffer. Therefore, the Muslims would like to return to the traditional system, which, to restore a glorious history of Muslim communities, also contributed to the emergence of Salafism(Islamic fundamentalism). Traditionally, Muslim community generally can be divided into Sunni and Shia. Although both political and religious ideology have in common, but there are many different characteristics. This essay first aims the Shi’i Salafism as the object of study, discusses the history of development and impact of Shi’I Salafism. Second, Hezbollah is a politico-religious organization, its emergence which influenced by Shi’i Salafism, but Hezbollah has become a legitimate political party in Lebanon now. Although making Lebanon into a Islamic state is the object pursued by Hezbollah, but Hezbollah has clearly said it would not use force to compel the people of Lebanon to accept it. Therefore, how to use a pragmatic strategy to face the challenge of political forces which inside and outside of Lebanon by Hezbollah and how it affects the Shiite Salafism will be the focus of this paper.

The diploma thesis "Salafi Jihadism in Germany: Radicalizing Messages in Lectures of a German Jihadi Preacher Denis Cuspert" deals with the analysis of the internet video messages disseminated by Denis Cuspert - the most significant German-speaking Jihadi-Salafi leader, in terms of the radicalization potential that is spread through his lectures. The aim of the thesis is firstly to identify the basic radicalization formulas relevant for the given research, which are to be found in the models of radicalization. In the analytical part, these radicalization categories will be applied to the argumentation strategies present in the lectures of Denis Cuspert. In order to analyse the given messages, a qualitative content analysis along with a framework analysis will be used. In connection with aims of the thesis, the framework analysis appears to be a fitting method, as it focuses on the issue of communication in terms of its mobilization potential, with an emphasis on the strategic use of language. This method can therefore be a good indicator of the extent to which the statements succeed in addressing the sympathizers of the movement and making them act. In addition to the analysis of the radicalization messages, the thesis also deals with the character and dynamics of the German Salafi movement, with...

The main goal of this paper is to examine the perceptions related to Bosnia and Herzegovina as a country that fosters terrorism. The concepts of radicalization, extremism and terrorism are examined as separate entities in the context of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the confusion of these contexts is particularly harmful, prompting negative attitudes and conclusions. It includes a review of the origins of Jihad in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the 1992-1995 war and transformation into the Salafi Movement after it. Some theoretical concepts consider the popular perspective on the Salafi community, relations between the Salafi Community and the Islamic Community the responses of media who propagate both the valid and stereotypical information, the motivations that drive the Salafist community, but also the motives of Bosnia and Herzegovina's society for the exploitation of this community. Other focuses are the changes that take place after the September 11th terrorist attacks, and their effect on Bosnia and Herzegovina are discussed in the context of the fight against terrorism and the re-examination of the intentions of the Salafi communities. Finally, conclusions are drawn about the perception of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a terrorist threat. In addition, the relationship between the Salafi...

This thesis deals with the developmental assistance and humanitarian aid from the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council in Kosovo. The goal is to understand what role plays a religion plays in developmental assistance and humanitarian aid in Kosovo. This thesis investigates the forms in which the process of Islamization of development assistance occurs, and how civil society and states cope with it. Methodologically, the author employs the principles of a case study: qualitative research was conducted in Kosovo using the methods of participant observation and semi-structured interviews. The thesis covers the development projects of GCC organisations and agencies and will show that religion has a key influence on these efforts. Regarding the practices used in Kosovo, the author shows that the states of GCC use development assistance and humanitarian aid as a mean of spreading religious teachings and beliefs of the Gulf region. Kosovo society has not been immune to these activities and Salafism (and in minority Jihadism) has gained followers in the Muslim community. However, the thesis shows that since 2014 with the help of the state structures, radical Islam has been on the decline while the GCC organisations spreading it, are no longer operational in Kosovo. Key words: development assistance,...

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