The diploma thesis "Changes in Behaviour of Czech Media in Connection with "Political Scandals" 1997 - 2007" deals with the occurrence of so - called "mechanisms of scandalization" in media coverage of political affairs. The aim of this piece of work is to find out whether and to what extent the chosen media use these mechanisms and whether there is some recognizable change in their use over the course of time and how this change signifies. The question is to what extent the media are active force in the emergence of scandal, whether "scandalization" has become a common feature of non-tabloid Czech press.

Background: With increased scrutiny of celebrities by the Chinese government, more and more celebrities are being exposed to being caught in various scandals. This leads to the challenge of how companies respond to such celebrity endorsements followed by scandals to incorporate the intentions of independent, socially conscious China’s Generation-Y. Therefore, companies need to understand the factors that influence abandonment intentions and thus take more action on preventive celebrity endorsement management. Purpose: This dissertation aims to examine China’s Generation-Y's intention to abandon brands following a celebrity endorsement followed by a scandal. A theory of planned behavior incorporating tax evasion scandals forms the theoretical basis for examining which factors most impact abandonment intention. Method: To achieve the purpose of this thesis, the researcher conducted a quantitative study through an interpretive research method with a sample of 246 Chinese respondents. In addition to demographic questions and two modules on celebrity endorsement and scandal context, the questionnaire consisted of eight modules derived from the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB). The researcher used descriptive statistics, Pearson correlation analysis, and multiple regressions to analyze the data to investigate the relationship between the variables better and determine if the hypotheses set by the study were supported. Finally, demographic factors were combined to explore the intrinsic link with the variables further. Conclusion: This research provides evidence that the factors influencing the intention of China’s Generation-Y to use a brand change after a scandal concerning a celebrity who had endorsed the brand in question. The main finding concerns the increased importance of subjective norms and the decreased comparative importance of attitude towards intention to use/abandon said brand after the scandal. However, in contrast with previous studies, the results of this study showed no significant influence of perceived behavioral control before or after the scandal. Furthermore, the researchers found that while before a scandal there was a significant difference in the influence of subjective norms between men and women, that difference disappeared after a scandal. Those results allowed the researchers to draw conclusions, make managerial implications, and suggest further possible research opportunities.

How do parties organize, and do parties' organizational differences matter? Different organization patterns are empirically associated with varying electoral performance, voters' participation, policy-making, and party systems' shape and stability.Despite the empirical relevance of party organization, theoretical scholarship has overwhelmingly focused on other functions of parties — namely the electoral one, simplifying the political world for voters, and the policy-making one in the legislative arena. The papers in this dissertation advance a new theoretical agenda on the organization of political parties, generating insights that I test with novel data. The main contribution of the dissertation is to treat party organization as an endogenous rather than exogenous variable. This approach allows to generate novel insights on how the electoral environment influences the way parties organize, and outcomes such as parties' electoral performance and the process of party system stabilization. The first paper conceives the internal organization of a party as being driven by factional competition. What brings opposing factions to engage in sabotage rather than enhance the party image, and what strategies can parties adopt to contain it? The paper introduces a model of elections in which intra-party factions can devote resources to campaign for the party or to undermine each other and obtain more power. The party redistributes electoral spoils among factions to motivate their investment in campaigning activities. The model shows that sabotage increases when the stakes of the election are low — e.g., in consensus democracies that grant power to the losing party — because the incentives to focus on the fight for internal power increase. It also suggests that the optimal party strategy for winning the election in the face of intra-party competition is to reward factions with high powered incentives when campaigning effort can be easily monitored, but treat factions equally otherwise. Finally, the model shows that, when a party weakens electorally, factions’ incentives move from campaigning for the party to sabotaging each other to obtain electoral spoils. A testable implication of this result is the emergence of political scandals triggered internally as a product of factional sabotage. The second paper tests this empirical implication using original data on judicial investigations of Italian MPs involved in various misbehaviors. Judicial investigations of politicians are a fundamental component of politics, often leading to scandals. Yet, empirical evidence of the strategic determinants of judicial investigations is intrinsically hard to gather, a problem that has significantly limited the study of this important phenomenon. The paper studies the politics behind judicial investigations leveraging new data on prosecutors' informants in 1125 episodes of misbehavior of Italian MPs involved in different crimes (1983-2019). Results provide evidence in favor of a political use of denunciations for corruption crimes: when a party weakens, the likelihood that political enemies denounce past misbehavior of members of the weakened party increases, suggesting that the political use of denunciation is elastic to changes in the electoral performance. The timing of past misbehavior is crucial: members of weakened parties are more likely to be accused of misbehavior that happened a long time before the accusation, which further supports the conjecture that accusations are politically motivated. The third paper moves to the topic of party organization in the presence of multi-party competition. It conceives of the choice over party organization as parties' decision to form different types of alliances. Despite being pervasive, little is known about the conditions facilitating different forms of pre-electoral alliances. The paper presents a model of electoral competition in which parties can form alliances before elections, and decide how binding these should be. Parties face a dynamic trade-off between insuring themselves against large shifts in public opinion and allowing flexibility to respond to future changes in voters' preferences. The model shows that more binding alliances such as mergers emerge in equilibrium when electoral volatility is high; otherwise, parties form more flexible pre-electoral coalitions. It also suggests that some power concentration is needed for alliances to emerge in equilibrium, whereas parties run alone under consensual democracies that share power among all parties.

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Professional sports leagues in North America have seen scandals, controversies, and tragedies. There is, however, a forgotten scandal that happened in the 1990s: the Russian Mafia came dangerously close to the National Hockey League. This thesis explores the alleged Mafia connections by examining newspaper and magazine articles and documentaries focused on the issue. The limited public response to allegations of Russian Mafia involvement is contrasted with other professional sports controversies that were met with an immediate response by the leagues and fans. How North Americans viewed Russians during the post-Soviet era is also explored in this paper. This thesis examines why evident Mafia involvement with National Hockey League players did not provoke attention and sanctions by the league nor an outcry from the fans. This study will conclude the League did not react to the allegations because it felt as if the games were not harmed directly. Also, hockey fans did not find the allegations surprising because of the media's constant reports of corruption within Russia's borders, especially involving organized crime. Perhaps the lack of reaction by the National Hockey League and its fans suggests why this particular scandal is forgotten a mere 20 years later.

Σκοπός αυτής της εργασίας είναι να διερευνήσει τον αντίκτυπο των διατροφικών σκανδάλων στην συμπεριφορά του καταναλωτή αλλά και τους τρόπους με τους οποίους μπορούν να αντιμετωπιστούν αυτές οι κρίσεις στον κλάδο των τροφίμων, τόσο από τις επιχειρήσεις όσο και από τους κρατικούς φορείς. Για να επιτευχθεί αυτό, πραγματοποιήθηκε αρχικά μια βιβλιογραφική ανασκόπηση πάνω σε μελέτες και έρευνες που έχουν πραγματοποιηθεί σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο, και έπειτα διενεργήθηκε μια εμπειρική ανάλυση στην Ελλάδα για να προσδιοριστούν ειδικότερα οι επιπτώσεις που επέφεραν αυτές οι διατροφικές κρίσεις στην συμπεριφορά του Έλληνα καταναλωτή. Για την διεξαγωγή της έρευνας, χρησιμοποιήθηκε τυχαίο δείγμα 176 Ελλήνων καταναλωτών κυρίως από τη Δυτική Ελλάδα, και για τη συλλογή των απαραίτητων δεδομένων τους δόθηκε ερωτηματολόγιο με κλειστού, κυρίως, τύπου ερωτήσεις. Η επεξεργασία και ανάλυσή τους, πραγματοποιήθηκε με τη χρήση ενός στατιστικού εργαλείου, ενώ για την εξαγωγή των συμπερασμάτων, χρησιμοποιήθηκαν μέθοδοι περιγραφικής ανάλυσης και έλεγχοι υποθέσεων. Ειδικότερα, ο στόχος αυτής της εμπειρικής ανάλυσης, είναι να προσδιορίσει τα κριτήρια τα οποία λαμβάνει περισσότερο υπόψη του ο Έλληνας καταναλωτής κατά την αγορά τροφίμων, το βαθμό που είναι ενημερωμένος για τα διάφορα διατροφικά σκάνδαλα που έχουν προκύψει παγκοσμίως, αλλά και τη συμπεριφορά και αντίδρασή του απέναντι σε αυτά. Ακόμη, εξετάσθηκε ο βαθμός εμπιστοσύνης του απέναντι σε διάφορες πηγές πληροφόρησης, όσον αφορά την ασφάλεια των τροφίμων, ο βαθμός ικανοποίησής του από τα μέτρα που έχουν ληφθεί από τις επιχειρήσεις και τους κρατικούς φορείς για την αντιμετώπιση αυτών των διατροφικών σκανδάλων, αλλά και τα μέτρα τα οποία πιστεύουν οι ίδιοι οι καταναλωτές ότι θα πρέπει να ληφθούν για να αισθάνονται μεγαλύτερη ασφάλεια και εμπιστοσύνη για τα τρόφιμα που καταναλώνουν. Τα συμπεράσματα αυτής της διπλωματικής εργασίας αποσκοπούν, στο να αποτελέσουν ένα χρήσιμο εργαλείο τόσο για τις επιχειρήσεις όσο και για τους κρατικούς φορείς, για την εις βάθος κατανόηση της συμπεριφοράς του καταναλωτή όσον αφορά τις κρίσεις που έχουν κατά καιρούς πλήξει τον κλάδο των τροφίμων, αλλά και να αποτυπώσουν τους προβληματισμούς και τις ανησυχίες των Ελλήνων καταναλωτών σε θέματα που αφορούν την ασφάλεια και την ποιότητα των τροφίμων που καταναλώνει. / --

The purpose of this study is to develop a better understanding of how negative behavior affects a celebrity's public image.

The aim of this analytical research is to find out if there is a difference in how many articles that were published regarding the ministers Maria Borelius, Cecilia Stegö Chilò, Tobias Billström and Anders Borg, during the period 6/10 - 6/12 2006 in Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter. The study also aims to examine if there is a difference in how the ministers are framed and portrayed in a selection of the articles. The study combines both quantitative and qualitative methods. Initially, articles were gathered from Mediearkrivet Research Retriever. Then, a selection of the empirical data was analyzed qualitative from the theoretical perspectives of the framing theory and the agenda-setting theory, with a tool of analysis from Bromander (2012). The empirical material consists of 12 published news-articles from two of the most powerful public newspapers in Sweden: Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter. The result shows that there is a difference in the number of published articles regarding the female ministers, compared with the male ministers. It also confirms previous research that female and male politicians’ frames and describes differently: the female ministers are more often described as liars and portrayed next to their families. The articles regarding the female ministers are more likely to investigate their private life, while the articles about the male ministers only refers to their professional life as politicians.

Celui du faux est un problème auquel les spécialistes de chaque période historique ont dû se confronter, mais qui a subi une accélération et une exaspération avec l’histoire du temps présent, aussi à cause de la présence simultanée des protagonistes qui ont rendu plus complexe une scène historique et commémorative profondément marquée par le rapport entre historiens et témoins, et par la particulière articulation de la mémoire publique et de la mémoire privée. L’événement qui a souffert avec le plus d’acuité du problème du faux à l’époque contemporaine est certainement le génocide des Juifs commis par les nazis pendant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, car c’est justement au cœur de l’entreprise génocidaire qui a eu lieu la plus grande falsification qui a alimenté tout discours révisionniste ultérieur. La négation de l’extermination, avec le tentative des nazis de dissimuler et détruire les preuves de leur culpabilité, est en effet consubstantiel au déroulement des faits, œuvrant ainsi sur deux niveaux: à l’origine, sur la suppression systématique des traces et des témoins éventuels; plus tard, sur les différentes étapes de l’opération historiographique. Le sophisme négationniste par lequel la réalité meurtrière des chambres à gaz ne peut être prouvée que par ceux qui les ont vus en fonction de leurs propres yeux, c’est à dire par ceux qui y ont perdu la vie, remet en question non seulement la réalité historique de l’événement mais aussi, par conséquent, la mémoire des survivants qui, avec la falsification de leur expérience, sont obligés de faire face depuis l’époque de la persécution nazie. L’historien est devenu donc le protagoniste d’une contemporanéité dans laquelle histoire et mémoire ont fini par se retrouver souvent inextricablement liées. / The problem of false is a problem that specialists of different historical period had to confront, but it has been accelerated and exasperated with the history of the present time, also because of the simultaneous presence of the protagonists who made more complex the historic and commemorative scene deeply influenced by the relationship between historians and witnesses, and the specific articulation of public memory and private memory. The event, which has most deeply suffered the problem of false in the modern era is certainly the Jewish genocide perpetrated by the Nazis during World War II, because it is precisely at the heart of genocide that the greatest falsification, that has fueled all subsequent revisionist discourse, began. The denial of the extermination, the Nazis attempt to conceal and destroy evidence of their guilt is indeed consubstantial with the sequence of events and works on two levels: during the Holocaust, by the systematic removal of traces and potential witnesses, and later on the different stages of the historiographical operation. Revisionist sophistry by which the murderous reality of the gas chambers can be proven only by those who saw it with their own eyes, for example by those who have lost their lives, questions not only the historical reality of the event but also, therefore, the memory of the survivors, who with the falsification of their experience, are forced to face since the days of Nazi persecution. The historian thus became the protagonist of a contemporaneity in which history and memory have ended up often inextricably linked.

Les rémunérations des dirigeants des sociétés cotées suscitent un vif débat tant sur leur montant que sur les principes guidant leur détermination. Ce débat est souvent intensifié par une forte médiatisation prompte à indigner l’opinion publique et à inciter le législateur à se saisir de la question. Celui-ci cherche alors à encadrer les pratiques litigieuses tantôt en imposant des mesures impératives, tantôt en favorisant l’autorégulation. La présente étude a pour ambition d’apprécier la pertinence et l’efficacité de l’ensemble de ces règles relevant du droit dur et du droit souple. Un tel examen du droit positif montre une réelle incapacité à apporter une réponse au problème de l’acceptabilité sociale des rémunérations par le biais de l’outil juridique. En témoigne l’évolution de la législation française depuis ces vingt dernières années, basée sur l’impératif de transparence et l’évolution des procédures de détermination et d’attribution des rémunérations des dirigeants. Les juges ne semblent pas davantage disposer de leviers efficaces de lutte contre l’excès des rémunérations en droit des sociétés. Maints espoirs ont donc été fondés sur les principes provenant du droit souple et en particulier de la gouvernance d’entreprise, espoirs cependant également déçus à bien des égards. Finalement, demeure particulièrement prégnante la question de savoir si le droit, qu’il soit dur ou souple, peut constituer cet outil utile et efficace de régulation du niveau de rémunérations des dirigeants de sociétés cotées / The remuneration of directors of listed companies generated a lively debate and even controversy as to their amount or to the principles guiding their determination. This debate is often intensified by vivid media coverage aimed at instigating the public opinion and encouraging the legislator to take up the question. The latter then seeks to regulate the practices in question either by imposing mandatory measures at times, or by encouraging self-regulation at others. This study aims to assess the relevance and effectiveness of all of these rules under the hard law and soft law. Such an examination of the substantive law shows a real inability to provide an answer to the problem of the social acceptability of these remunerations through legal tool. It also reviews the evolution of French legislation during the last twenty years, based on the need for transparency and the development of procedures for determining and awarding the remuneration of directors. Judges do not appear to have effective leverage and means of struggle in the Corporate Laws against the excesses of the remuneration. So many hopes have been based on the principles derived from the soft law and in particular, Corporate Governance, yet those hopes were however deceived in many ways. Finally, the question that remains particularly urgent and haunting is whether the law, be it hard or soft, can be a useful and effective tool for regulating the level of remuneration of directors and executives of listed companies