Apresento nesta dissertação a pesquisa que realizei sobre as relações entre a paulistanidade e o preconceito contra nordestinos. Exponho como o ideal de superioridade paulista foi historicamente acompanhado por uma narrativa racial, econômica e política que aponta a racionalidade, a branquidade e o mérito como virtudes diferenciais desta população. Apresento, da mesma maneira, a estigmatização dos nordestinos como um fenômeno social de grande alcance, associado à ideia de inaptidão econômica, política e racial imputada a este grupo regional, que aparece com frequência como contraponto da moralidade paulista. Analiso como noções de progresso e civilização, restritivas e racializadas, se adequam e se relacionam de formas distintas a identidades regionais variadas. Trato os regionalismos brasileiros de modo que seja possível investigar a ascensão da questão regional como um processo de racialização e demarcação econômica das populações brasileiras, notadamente simbolizadas por uma gama de marcadores sociais da diferença. Interessa-me entender tanto o caráter homogeneizador das narrativas regionalistas quanto as mobilizações em torno de raça e classe que estas possam abarcar. Focando no caso paulista, apresento o histórico da paulistanidade em torno de uma superioridade que frequentemente se apresentou como questão racial. Da mesma maneira, empreendo uma análise comprometida em averiguar as continuidades e descontinuidades deste regionalismo. A ascensão do discurso da democracia racial com seu consequente padrão de preconceito e discriminação que se estabelece de forma velada é, portanto, um marco importante para esta análise. Para destrinchar estas questões, focalizo a corrente crise política brasileira e os grupos separatistas paulistas que surgiram nesta década (2010). A tese que orienta esta pesquisa é de que a paulistanidade não somente recrudesce em momentos de disputa política, como aparece enquanto perpetradora de uma hierarquia nacional marcada por assimetrias raciais, regionais e de classe. Defendo, deste modo, que a contraposição histórica entre paulistas e nordestinos pode se apresentar como uma narrativa eficaz do conservadorismo nacional. Esta narrativa seria capaz de extrapolar o plano discursivo, possuindo materialidade política notável. Torna-se importante salientar que o regionalismo paulista é pensado de forma relacional aos outros regionalismos brasileiros. / Here, I present a research on the relationship between the paulistanity (ideology which states the existence of a superiority of the people from the Brazilian State of São Paulo i.e. Paulistas) and the discrimination against people from the Northeast region of Brazil. I show that the idea of a Paulista superiority was historically accompanied by a racial, economic, and political narrative that points the rationality, the whiteness, and merit as sources of this alleged superiority. In the same way, I present the Northeastern stigma as a pervasive social phenomenon, constantly associated with the imposed idea of an economic, political, and racial incapacity of this regional population which is often shown as an opposite to the Paulista morality. I analyze how narrow and racial-based notions of progress and civilization differently conform and relate to a variety of geographic regional identities. I analyze the Brazilian regionalisms in a way that allows me to investigate the rise of the regional matter as a process characterized by a wide racialization and an economic delimitation of Brazilian populations, notably characterized by a range of social markers of difference. I try to understand the racial and class aspects of regionalist narratives and I try to understand how regionalist narratives homogenize human groups. Regarding Paulistas case, I present the history of the paulistanity and the associated sense of superiority that has been frequently presented as a racial matter. In the same way, I analyze the permanence and the discontinuity of this regionalism. Accordingly, an important issue for this analysis is the rise of the mythical racial democracy, accompanied by its pattern of prejudice and discrimination, which are stablished in a veiled way. In order to disentangle these questions, I incorporate to my analyses perspectives on the current Brazilian political crisis and perspectives on the Paulista separatists groups that were founded in the 2010s. This research is based on the thesis that the expression of paulistanity would not only enhance during instances of political dispute, but it would also promote a national hierarchy characterized by racial, regional, and class asymmetries. Therefore, I propose that the historical contrast between Paulistas and Northeastern Brazilians can be presented as an efficient narrative of national conservatism. This conservative narrative is not restricted to a speech level, but can also reach notable political materiality. Additionally, it is important to highlight that, in this study, I relate Paulista regionalism to other forms of regionalism found in Brazil.

Works of feminist utopian literature project longing for and predict political change while confronting current social inequities. Often, they effectively interrogate Western models of citizenship and the institutions which reify them, suggesting alternate models. Here, I define Western citizenship as determined by the maintenance of the nation-state through gendered social roles that restrict women to the private sphere and men to the public. This thesis asserts that feminist utopian literature, like politically conscious music, art, and other forms of feminist praxis, is a politically necessary component of feminist consciousness because it facilitates much-needed visions of a more equitable future for all citizens. Here, patriarchy, separatism, socialism, and radical democracy, as well as attendant difficulties in implementation and ramifications for women, will be considered through the following works: Charlotte Perkins Gilman’s Herland, Sally Miller Gearhart’s The Wanderground, Ursula K. LeGuin’s The Dispossessed, Octavia Butler’s Parable of the Sower, and Starhawk’s The Fifth Sacred Thing. The thesis also comments on some of the narrative devices and themes of works discussed, such as nonlinear structure, avoidance of closure, altered states of consciousness, and exile. Analysis of these works relies in part on a growing body of speculative fiction criticism while also considering feminist theories of difference and vision. The thesis concludes with recommendations for utilizing feminist utopian literature as a part of feminist pedagogy.

This thesis examines the main domestic security issues of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and the impact of their securitization processes on the domestic and regional security policies of these countries in the post-Soviet era. Two outstanding issues that have been securitized in these countries, separatism and ethnic conflict for Kazakhstan and radical Islam for Uzbekistan, are scrutinized in detail with a comparative analysis. This thesis argues that Kazakh and Uzbek leaders, Nursultan Nazarbayev and Islam Karimov, as the main securitizing actors in their countries have securitized the above-mentioned issues for certain political objectives in the chaotic order of the post-Cold War era. However, these securitization processes for both of these countries have become an obstacle to find permanent solutions to their domestic security problems and develop more effective security policies at the regional level. Kazakh and Uzbek leaders should renounce manipulating these problems and produce more comprehensive policies by paying equal attention to all other problems of their countries. In addition, Astana and Tashkent should try to ensure regional security rather than overemphasizing domestic one(s) if the aim is to benefit from an effective regional integration on Central Asian security. Contrary to the most of existing studies on the subject, the thesis argues that Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan are accepted as the active players that could contribute to the solution of their own security problems to a great extent, rather than being passive subjects of the &ldquo / New Great Game&rdquo / played among major actors.

Frågeställningarna som behandlas i denna kandidatuppsats är: Hur kan samtida konstnärer utmana rådande könsroller genom att inkorporera dess könsspecifika uttryckssätt (här: femininitet och dess bibetydelser) i sin konst? Samt: Vari ligger den politiska potentialen i en sådan strategi? Uppsatsen är skriven ur ett feministiskt perspektiv och berör de delvis överlappande fälten konsthantverk, design och konst, med en gemensam genusproblematik. Studien undersöker hur en maximalistisk feminin estetik kan verka som feministisk taktik, vilket karakteriseras genom semiotiska analyser av tre skulpturala verk i teknikerna glas och keramik. Materialet belyses utifrån en craftivism-teori vilken syftar till att föra samman de två separata sfärerna hantverk och aktivism samt en femme-inism-teori i vilken femininiteten är ”vald” snarare än ”påtvingad” kvinnan. Undersökningen visar att en maximalistisk feminin estetik kan användas i konsten som feministisk strategi. Den politiska potentialen i sådana verk står bland annat att finna i de rumsliga begrepp som verken förenar med konsten. Den historiska placeringen av kvinnans görande och smak i hemmets sfär, öppnar upp för den feminina estetiken att verka som politiskt redskap, när de kvinnliga värdena genom konsten flyttas ut i det offentliga rummet.

This thesis sets out to examine how feminist struggle can be negotiated, defined and motivated. By using Oral history as a theoretical and methodological framework, three persons narrative are being constructed, explored and discussed throughout the thesis. All the interviewees define themselves as women and feminists and have all practised music in different separatist rock and pop-groups from 1970 to present. Themes as music as political action, and separatism for persons who define themselves as women are discussed. The tree informants agree about some feministic goals such as equality and the right to be able to play and perform music regardless of gender identity, although the means to reach these goals are formulated differently.

Denna uppsats strävar efter att undersöka feministiska rörelser på sociala medier och därigenom belysa eventuella maktstrukturer som kan te sig inom dessa. Då #Metoo-rörelsen rört om debattklimatet i Sverige sedan oktober 2017, ligger fokus på rörelsens spridning och påverkan på debatten. Vi pekar på var makten kan ligga inom sociala medier och drar en parallell till intersektionalitetsperspektivet som hjälper oss att förstå dess strukturer. Vår empiri är således inhämtad från de två sociala medierna, Instagram och Twitter där vi utgår från en kvantitativ metod genom att använda oss av statistik för att lättare kunna urskilja maktstrukturer. Uppsatsen grundar sig på en innehållsanalys för bearbetning av analysen, samt feministiska teoribildningar och teoretiska begrepp såsom intersektionalitet, systerskap, separatism och Bourdieus teori om symboliskt kapital. Våra resultat pekar på skillnader när det kommer till representationer gällande såväl kön som etnicitet, men också huruvida inlägg gjorts av övervägande offentliga eller icke-offentliga personer. Dessa resultat sammanförs sedermera i form av kategorier som därefter presenteras i vår statistik vilken vi analyserar med hjälp av våra teorier och diskuterar i vår slutdiskussion.

This thesis describes history of Catalan nationalism and analyzes the motives that lead to separatist tendencies in Catalonia. It also focuses on the impact of devolution and separation on Catalonia and Spain. Catalans are a historic nation with their own language and traditions. Since the establishment of the Kingdom of Spain they have sought a greater autonomy within pluralistic Spain until now. In the history, they experienced numerous efforts of assimilation and suppression, mostly during the dictatorship of General Franco. But the Catalans defended their uniqueness and during the transition to democracy and with the new Constitution of 1978, they gained considerable portion of autonomy. In the history, Catalans did not demand independence, they wanted to be part of the federal Spain. However, due to the economic crisis and the rejection of the greater autonomy, Catalan nationalism converted to separatism.

The aim of this thesis is to answer the question, whether Québec still has a chance to become independent one day? Firt part of the thesis shows theoretical definitions of nationalism, minorities, conflicts and possible solutions. Then there are historical relationships and conflict between anglophone and francophone people. Second part analysis québec´s separatism and his political support. Last part is dedicated to possible economical consequences if Québec separates from Canada.

Det digitala beteendet förändras i takt med samhället och vår sociala värld flyttar sig allt mertill digitala miljöer. Samtidigt ställer samtiden höga krav på individualisering. Trots det sökersig allt fler kvinnor till separatistiska gemenskapsgrupper. Syftet med denna studie är attbättre förstå digitala separatistiska grupper på Facebook och vilken funktion de fyller genomatt studera interaktionsmönster mellan gruppmedlemmar. Gruppernas egenskaper analyserasför att undersöka vilken roll det kollektiva har och hur känslan av trygghet skapas. Detta görsutifrån Giddens teorier om individualism och reflexivet, ett feministiskt perspektiv och nyareteorier kopplat till digital interaktion på Facebook. Fem individer har intervjuats kring deraspersonliga upplevelser och reflektioner av att vara medlem till en grupp som är till för demsom identifierar sig som kvinna. Resultatet visar att Facebookgruppen används som enreflexiv resurs där medlemmarna delar vardagliga frågor och dilemman. Empirin ger ocksåstöd för att det finns två huvudsakliga förhållningssätt, passivt och aktivt, med ett antal behov.Behoven kretsar kring att uppleva samhörighet och utbyta erfarenheter som således bottnar idet kollektiva. Gruppen samskapar trygghet i hur detta utbyte sker. Studien ger belägg för attvar medlems individuella erfarenheter bidrar till en kollektiv resurs som således allamedlemmar får tillgång till, oavsett passivt eller aktivt förhållningssätt. Kollektivet stimulerarsåledes till den individuella kvinnans förmåga att reflektera över de frågor och funderingarsom gruppen sluts upp kring. Empirin pekar på att dessa digitala rum är ett sätt att bemötamaktordningarna utanför gruppen i den fysiska världen. Sammanbindande normer bidrar tillgruppens trygghet och upplevs dels i en strukturell konstruktion av administratörerna, dels iett samskapande som bygger på interaktionen inom gruppen. Hur medlemmarna delar ochkommenterar inlägg baseras på en rituell och deltagande kultur, men också på strukturellametoder för att stänga ute konflikter och andra hot mot den säkra miljön som det digitalatrygga rummet ska utgöra.

The thesis deals with the reflection of the Ukrainian question in selected works of members of the first wave of Russian emigration. Attention is paid to four major political streams of Russian emigration - conservative, liberal, left-wing and Eurasian. As part of the content analysis of selected works, the historical topics and figures, the existence of the theme of the anti-Russian plot, the plan for the future arrangement of the Russian-Ukrainian relations, or the way in which the ideas were formulated were examined. A thorough analysis of all these currents revealed that, with the exception of the most leftist Socialist-Revolutionary political stream, no one had counted on the full separation of Ukraine from Russia. Though other thought currents could not imagine the separation of Ukraine, some proposed a solution that would bring more equality in the relationship between the Ukrainians and the Russians than in the pre-revolutionary period, be it the territorial or cultural autonomy of the Ukrainians.