Trata-se de pesquisa teórica, de natureza histórica e conceitual, que analisa a configuração das instituições políticas municipais e federativas, a forma de assimilação dessas instituições políticas no Brasil e como se articularam à organização da educação nacional. Busca-se analisar como as idéias de município e de federação e a organização da educação foram se configurando no cenário político e institucional brasileiro e como ganharam materialidade a partir da promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988, que representou o ponto de convergência entre essas instituições políticas e a organização do ensino brasileiro. Com base no aporte teórico da Ciência Política, o trabalho discute os fundamentos conceituais e históricos da relação entre federalismo, poder local e educação, a partir da idéia original de federação concebida pelos fundadores do federalismo norte-americano – James Madison, Alexander Hamilton e John Jay -, dos conceitos de democracia de Alexis de Tocqueville e da idéia de federação total de Pierre- Joseph Proudhom, indicando a inadequação da associação direta que geralmente é feita entre regime federativo, descentralização e democratização. Partindo dessa constatação, o trabalho analisa a instituição municipal desde as suas origens em Roma -passando por seu funcionamento em Portugal- até a sua implantação em terras brasileiras, para comprovar que as instituições políticas municipais, transplantadas para o Brasil, não tinham o princípio basilar da autonomia local presente nas comunas européias, como no caso do self-governement anglosaxônico. Com essas evidências históricas, discutimos a organização do ensino, no que se refere à oferta de instrução elementar, em sua relação com as instituições políticas municipais e federativas, indicando a construção puramente ideológica – e também idealista – do discurso municipalista brasileiro desde a década de 1940, que foi retomado com vigor por ocasião do debate constituinte da década de 1980. Nesse debate, foi completamente desconsiderada toda uma tradição de pensamento político sobre a organização do Estado brasileiro que remonta à tradição liberal e descentralizadora de Tavares Bastos e Rui Barbosa, ao separatismo como solução dos conflitos entre centralização e descentralização política e à tradição autoritária e nacionalista do pensamento de Alberto Torres e de Oliveira Vianna, analisadas nesse trabalho para mostrar que o debate considerado pioneiro sobre a municipalização do ensino, entre Anísio Teixeira e Carlos Correa Mascaro, omitia essas tradições como se a organização do ensino em bases municipais estivesse descolada do debate sobre a organização do Estado brasileiro, omissão esta que marcará também o debate sobre a temática da década de 1980 até os nossos dias. As conclusões apontam para a necessidade de situar a descentralização municipalista atual no quadro mais amplo das contradições e complexidade do federalismo brasileiro. / This is a theoretical research, of historical and conceptual nature, which analyzes the configuration of municipal and federative political institutions, the way these political institutions were assimilated in Brazil and how they were articulated to the organization of national education. The text analyzes how the municipal and federative ideas and the organization of education have been formed in the Brazilian political and institutional scenario and how they have gained materiality since the enactment of the Federal Constitution of 1988, that represented the convergence point between these political institutions and the organization of Brazilian education. Based on the theoretical contribution of Political Science, this paper discusses the conceptual and historical basis of the relation between federalism, local power and education, based on the original idea of federation conceived by the founders of North-American federalism – James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay –, on the concepts of democracy of Alexis de Tocqueville and on the idea of total federation of Pierre-Joseph Proudhom, indicating the inadequacy of direct association which is generally made between the federative system, decentralization and democratization. Based on this verification, this paper analyzes the municipal institution beginning at its origins in Rome – passing through its application in Portugal – until its implantation in Brazilian lands, to prove that the municipal political institutions, transplanted to Brazil, didn’t have the essential principle of local autonomy present in the European communes, as in the case of Anglo-Saxon selfgovernment. Based on these historical evidences, we discuss the organization of education, regarding the offer of elementary schooling, in its relationship with the municipal and federative political institutions, indicating the purely ideological – and also idealistic – construction of Brazilian municipalist speech in the 40’s, which was vigorously retaken at the time of the constituent debate in the 80’s. The tradition of political thought regarding the organization of the Brazilian State was completely disregarded during the mentioned debate, which goes back to the liberal and decentralizing tradition of Tavares Bastos and Rui Barbosa, to the separatism as a solution for the conflicts between political centralization and decentralization and to the authoritarian and nationalistic tradition of Alberto Torres and Oliveira Vianna. The above was analyzed in this paper to show that the debate, between Anísio Teixeira and Carlos Correa Mascaro, which is considered as a pioneer in the municipalization of teaching, has omitted these traditions as if the organization of teaching in municipal areas was disconnected from the debate on the organization of the Brazilian State – this omission will also mark the debate on this theme during the 80’s up to the present date. The conclusions point towards the need to place the current municipal decentralization within the larger picture of contradictions and complexity of the Brazilian federalism.

Trata-se de pesquisa teórica, de natureza histórica e conceitual, que analisa a configuração das instituições políticas municipais e federativas, a forma de assimilação dessas instituições políticas no Brasil e como se articularam à organização da educação nacional. Busca-se analisar como as idéias de município e de federação e a organização da educação foram se configurando no cenário político e institucional brasileiro e como ganharam materialidade a partir da promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988, que representou o ponto de convergência entre essas instituições políticas e a organização do ensino brasileiro. Com base no aporte teórico da Ciência Política, o trabalho discute os fundamentos conceituais e históricos da relação entre federalismo, poder local e educação, a partir da idéia original de federação concebida pelos fundadores do federalismo norte-americano – James Madison, Alexander Hamilton e John Jay -, dos conceitos de democracia de Alexis de Tocqueville e da idéia de federação total de Pierre- Joseph Proudhom, indicando a inadequação da associação direta que geralmente é feita entre regime federativo, descentralização e democratização. Partindo dessa constatação, o trabalho analisa a instituição municipal desde as suas origens em Roma -passando por seu funcionamento em Portugal- até a sua implantação em terras brasileiras, para comprovar que as instituições políticas municipais, transplantadas para o Brasil, não tinham o princípio basilar da autonomia local presente nas comunas européias, como no caso do self-governement anglosaxônico. Com essas evidências históricas, discutimos a organização do ensino, no que se refere à oferta de instrução elementar, em sua relação com as instituições políticas municipais e federativas, indicando a construção puramente ideológica – e também idealista – do discurso municipalista brasileiro desde a década de 1940, que foi retomado com vigor por ocasião do debate constituinte da década de 1980. Nesse debate, foi completamente desconsiderada toda uma tradição de pensamento político sobre a organização do Estado brasileiro que remonta à tradição liberal e descentralizadora de Tavares Bastos e Rui Barbosa, ao separatismo como solução dos conflitos entre centralização e descentralização política e à tradição autoritária e nacionalista do pensamento de Alberto Torres e de Oliveira Vianna, analisadas nesse trabalho para mostrar que o debate considerado pioneiro sobre a municipalização do ensino, entre Anísio Teixeira e Carlos Correa Mascaro, omitia essas tradições como se a organização do ensino em bases municipais estivesse descolada do debate sobre a organização do Estado brasileiro, omissão esta que marcará também o debate sobre a temática da década de 1980 até os nossos dias. As conclusões apontam para a necessidade de situar a descentralização municipalista atual no quadro mais amplo das contradições e complexidade do federalismo brasileiro. / This is a theoretical research, of historical and conceptual nature, which analyzes the configuration of municipal and federative political institutions, the way these political institutions were assimilated in Brazil and how they were articulated to the organization of national education. The text analyzes how the municipal and federative ideas and the organization of education have been formed in the Brazilian political and institutional scenario and how they have gained materiality since the enactment of the Federal Constitution of 1988, that represented the convergence point between these political institutions and the organization of Brazilian education. Based on the theoretical contribution of Political Science, this paper discusses the conceptual and historical basis of the relation between federalism, local power and education, based on the original idea of federation conceived by the founders of North-American federalism – James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay –, on the concepts of democracy of Alexis de Tocqueville and on the idea of total federation of Pierre-Joseph Proudhom, indicating the inadequacy of direct association which is generally made between the federative system, decentralization and democratization. Based on this verification, this paper analyzes the municipal institution beginning at its origins in Rome – passing through its application in Portugal – until its implantation in Brazilian lands, to prove that the municipal political institutions, transplanted to Brazil, didn’t have the essential principle of local autonomy present in the European communes, as in the case of Anglo-Saxon selfgovernment. Based on these historical evidences, we discuss the organization of education, regarding the offer of elementary schooling, in its relationship with the municipal and federative political institutions, indicating the purely ideological – and also idealistic – construction of Brazilian municipalist speech in the 40’s, which was vigorously retaken at the time of the constituent debate in the 80’s. The tradition of political thought regarding the organization of the Brazilian State was completely disregarded during the mentioned debate, which goes back to the liberal and decentralizing tradition of Tavares Bastos and Rui Barbosa, to the separatism as a solution for the conflicts between political centralization and decentralization and to the authoritarian and nationalistic tradition of Alberto Torres and Oliveira Vianna. The above was analyzed in this paper to show that the debate, between Anísio Teixeira and Carlos Correa Mascaro, which is considered as a pioneer in the municipalization of teaching, has omitted these traditions as if the organization of teaching in municipal areas was disconnected from the debate on the organization of the Brazilian State – this omission will also mark the debate on this theme during the 80’s up to the present date. The conclusions point towards the need to place the current municipal decentralization within the larger picture of contradictions and complexity of the Brazilian federalism.

俄羅斯與西方在南奧塞梯及科索沃宣布獨立問題上採取截然不同的立場，科索沃宣布獨立後，俄羅斯表示堅決反對科宣布獨立，此舉破壞國際法準則及地區穩定，國際社會不應奉行雙重標準，也不能出於政治考慮有選擇地利用國際法。 俄羅斯在協助南奧塞梯的獨立運動支持喬治亞分離主義的同時，卻強硬鎮壓其境內的車臣與印古什獨立運動，前者可以幫助俄羅斯擴大在前蘇聯境內的影響力，後者可以確保俄羅斯境內不會產生分離主義的骨牌效應，支持前者、鎮壓後者都確保俄國在歐亞政治板塊中的地緣政治優勢。 俄羅斯在對南奧塞梯及科索沃獨立態度上，可就下列面向比較討論：(1)當南宣布獨立時，俄國立即宣布承認，並認為其有權決定自己命運；當科宣布獨立時，俄則認為其獨立破壞國際法準則及地區穩定，負面影響如車臣(2)國際法方面：對南的態度是根據局勢發展做出的決定符合有關國際文件；對科則要求安理會遵守1244號決議，並認定其單方面宣布獨立無效(3)考量因素：對南則是捍衛在喬治亞戰略、政治利益、經濟與生態維護利益；對科則是俄與塞同為斯拉夫民族，科在沙皇時期為俄傳統勢力範圍，另以經濟角度來看，巴爾幹是俄對歐出口能源通道。 南奧塞梯和阿布哈玆問題反應國家主權與民族自決權的獨立。維護國家主權和領土完整是國際關係的一個普遍原則，然而現在美國歐盟與俄羅斯卻都出現雙重標準，在科索沃獨立問題上，西方國家強調民族自決權，俄羅斯則譴責美歐破壞塞爾維亞主權將帶來嚴重後果。而在俄喬衝突中，俄羅斯支持南、阿獨立。在此兩事件中，在國家主權及民族自決權雙重標準下，造成國際關係的動盪。在科索沃和南奧塞梯的問題上，美國、俄羅斯和歐盟正是依民族自決權原則為依據，先塞爾維亞後喬治亞，通過對別國的干涉而維護自己的利益。 / Russia and the West take different positions on the issue in declaration of independence on South Ossetia and Kosovo. After Kosovo's declaration of independence, Russia is firmly opposed Kosovo's declaration of independence, and this action effect destabilize regional and norms of international law. The international community should not take double standard, and use international law selective out of political considerations. Russia helped to support Georgia secessionist movement and South Ossetia's independence, but it had tough crackdown in Chechnya and Ingushetia independence movement. The former can help Russia to expand the territory of the former Soviet Union's influence, which can ensure that Russia will not produce a domino effect separatism. This will ensure that the Russian preserve geopolitical advantage in the Eurasian areas. Russia's attitude towards the independence of South Ossetia and Kosovo, we can compare in the following aspects: (1) When the South Ossetia declared independence, Russia announced to recognize immediately, while Kosovo declared independence this action effect destabilize regional and norms of international law such as Chechnya (2) in the international law: Russia made a decision according with the situation toward South Ossetia; and Russia required to comply with UN Security Council resolution 1244, and concluded its unilateral declaration of independence is invalid (3) consideration factors: to protect the political, economic and ecological interests of the South Ossetia, while in Kosovo, with the economic perspective, the Balkan is a Russian exports to the EU energy channels. South Ossetia and Abkhazia issues react the national sovereignty and national self-determination of independence. Maintaining national sovereignty and territorial integrity is a general principle of international relations, however, the EU, Russia, and the United States had double standards on the issue of Kosovo's independence. In Western countries they stressed national self-determination, but Russia condemned the United States and Europe undermine the sovereignty of Serbia and it will bring serious consequences. Russia supported the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia in this incident. With the double standard in national sovereignty and national self-determination, it will cause turbulence in international relations. On the issue of Kosovo and South Ossetia, the United States, Russia and the EU are on the base of according to the principle of national self-determination, to protect their own interests by the interference of other countries.

The present thesis aims to increase our understanding of the causes of separatism. The inspiration for this topic comes from the fact that separatist conflicts can become extremely destructive, and thus a better understanding of why they emerge may help us prevent much human suffering by pointing to ways in which separatism can be avoided. More specifically, the thesis aims to explain the link between separatism and regional development disparities. The argument presented is that inter-regional economic conflicts (such as about inter-regional fiscal redistribution) easily emerge between regions at different levels of development, and that under certain conditions, particularly prolonged recessions and austerity, such conflicts can become an important driver of separatist aspirations. This can happen in both poorer and richer regions. The thesis further argues that this entire process can only be fully understood if we analyse society through a class prism. Given that regional development disparities often lie at the root of inter-regional economic conflicts, one of the ways of avoiding such conflicts – and thus also separatism – would be to equalize regional development levels. In order to do so, however, we first need to understand why regional disparities emerge and persist. Focusing on capitalist countries, the thesis argues that the disparities emerge as a natural consequence of the operation of oligopolistic markets, which are the dominant market form in capitalism. Regional development policies are explored at length, and it is argued that they are generally insufficient to overcome the tendency of markets to produce regional disparities. All the topics in the thesis are explored at the general level and for a larger number of countries, but the main in-depth case study is of regional disparities in the United Kingdom and how they relate to Scottish separatism.

Cette thèse analyse le rôle ambivalent de l'exil politique cubain dans le processus de séparation de Cuba et l'Espagne au XIXe siècle, à l'époque où se définit un mouvement anticolonial dans l'île. S'il est indéniable que le héros national cubain, José Marti, a passé plus de temps en exil qu'à l'intérieur de Cuba, ce travail s'écarte de l'idée d'une « fabrique de la nation» hors-sol que l'omniprésence de cette figure a pu suggérer. Des années 1830 à la fin de la guerre des Dix Ans, quitter Cuba n'est pas toujours synonyme d'aspirations indépendantistes. Loin de prétendre au portrait de groupe exhaustif, cette étude insiste sur la grande diversité d'un personnel unifié par l'histoire-patrie insulaire, et sur les dissonances que l'exil introduit dans le récit patriotique cubain. Cette analyse sociopolitique d'un personnel à première vue secondaire pour le récit national cubain aborde trois points principaux. Premièrement, l'étude de l'exil pousse à repenser les jalons chronologiques du nationalisme cubain, et ceux: de la relation impériale entre île et péninsule. Cet objet transversal fait émerger une nouvelle temporalité du lien colonial. Plutôt que de considérer Cuba comme « attendant sa libération » dès le temps des indépendances ibéro-américaines, un « temps du compromis » se dessine, qui dure pendant tout le long XIXe siècle cubain et hispano-cubain. Deuxièmement, la nouvelle géographie impériale dessinée par la carte de l'exil séparatiste pendant la période étudiée donne à voir de nouveaux problèmes politiques pour un empire espagnol amputé de ses anciennes possessions américaines et cherchant à se renouveler. Enfin, s'il est certain qu'il a existé une synergie indépendantiste dans les années 1870 chez les créoles cubains séparatistes de l'intérieur et de l'extérieur, cette thèse montre que ceux qui s'autodéfinissent comme « exilés cubains » compliquent par leur grande diversité les aspirations nationales définies par la République en Armes de Guaimaro en avril 1869. / This dissertation analyses the ambivalent role of political exile from Cuba at the moment of its separation from Spain in the 19thcentury, a period during which the anticolonial movement on and off the island solidified. Although Jose Marti, the Cuban national hero who spent most of his time outside of Cuba in exile, is ubiquitous in the narrative of Cuban independence, I argue that the figure of exil.es is far from simple. This work contends that from the 1830s to the end of the War of Ten Years, leaving Cuba was not necessarily indicative of supporting independence. It tracks these exiles in ail their diversity, and traces the kinds of dissonance that exile might introduce into the patriotic Cuban narrative. Using Cuba as a case study, this thesis maps a new field of knowledge of the Euro-American XIXth century, often defined as the "century of exiles". I approach this analysis of a group, considered secondary until now, through a sociopolitical lens, and make three main contributions. First, a study of political exile challenges the usual chronology of Cuban nationalism, as well as the relationship between the island and the peninsula relationship's timeline. Second, the framework of exile points to a new imperial geography. Separatism abroad reveals the Spanish empire's navel political challenges once a significant part of it had been lost. The number of exiles and banishments it imposed was not a sign of decline, as is most often interpreted. Rather it shows how the empire was seeking renewal, trying to reinvent itself starting in the late 1830s. The empire used exiles to design new colonial policies at home and abroad, and made use of diplomacy to keep a close eye on separatists in exile. While the historiography of this period claims that there was a uniformity of political vision among Cuban creoles, this work claims that those who called themselves "Cuban exiles" were too politically diverse to be considered mere supporters of a monolithic independence.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz / Resumo: O presente trabalho propõe-se a investigar o papel exercido pela Federação Russa na crise ucraniana que teve início em novembro de 2013 e culminou no surgimento de movimentos separatistas; na ofensiva militar do governo ucraniano e de milícias ultranacionalistas contra as regiões do leste do país que passaram a exigir maior autonomia em relação à Kiev; e na independência da península da Crimeia, a qual foi posteriormente anexada pela Rússia. A fim de investigar a postura adotada pelo governo russo, observa-se a necessidade do estudo de questões que envolvem não somente Ucrânia e Rússia, mas também a relação deste país com as potências ocidentais no pós Guerra Fria. Neste sentido, buscou-se compreender como os problemas decorrentes do fim da URSS e a contínua expansão da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) influenciaram as decisões da política externa russa no período. Ao longo da pesquisa procurou-se indicar elementos analíticos que possam contribuir para o estudo do tema e ultrapassem análises meramente conjunturais, a partir da constatação de que questões centrais que transbordaram a partir de 2013 – notadamente as divisões políticas e étnico-linguísticas no interior do Estado ucraniano, bem como a disputa pela tutela da Crimeia – já estavam presentes anteriormente, requerendo uma investigação atenta às variáveis geopolíticas e sócio-históricas. / Mestre

Vilka erfarenheter har enskilda medlemmar av den svenska separatistiska facebookgruppen Heja Livet? Ur ett feministiskt perspektiv har vi genomfört kvalitativa personliga intervjuer vilket gav ett resultat som visar att gruppen bidrar med något betydelsefullt. Det personliga är politiskt och genom att ta del av andras berättelser kan enskilda kvinnor få ett högre feministiskt medvetande som kan bidra till feministiska handlingar. Det visar sig också att gruppen kan fungera som ett stöd i olika frågor för enskilda kvinnor i deras vardag. Vi presenterar ett teoretiskt resultat, omdefinierar innebörden av ett högre feministisk medvetande och argumenterar för att Heja Livet kan ses som en medvetenhetshöjande grupp. Faktumet att de flesta av våra intervjupersoner inte delar med sig av sina erfarenheter i facebookgruppen hotar dock konstruktionen av Heja Livet som en subalternativ offentlighet som utmanar dominerande offentligheter. Den vita medelklass cis-kvinnan är idealet i gruppen och det bristande intersektionella perspektivet gör att vi kritiserar Heja Livet som ett ett lyckat feministiskt projekt. / What experiences do individual members have of the Swedish separatist Facebook group Heja Livet? We have conducted qualitative personal interviews from a feminist perspective and have come to the conclusion that the group is contributing with something meaningful. The personal is political and by reading other women’s stories, individual women can achieve a higher feminist consciousness which can contribute to feminist actions. Another finding is that the group can also function as a support in different matters for individual women in their everyday lives. We are presenting a theoretical result, we redefine the meaning of a higher feminist consciousness and argue that Heja Livet can be seen as a consciousness raising group. The fact that most of the interviewed did not share their own experiences in Heja Livet, threatens the construction of the group as a subaltern counterpublic that challenges dominant publics. The white middle class cis-woman is the norm in Heja Livet and we criticize it for not being a successful feminist project because of the lack of an intersectional perspective.

The aim of the PhD thesis is to describe the emergence and functioning of the Deutschböhmen and Sudetenland provinces' governments proclaimed by Czech, Moravian and Silesian Germans in the autumn of 1918 and consecutively to compare their practical politics in the selected fields. The emphasize is put especially on the building of the state administration and defence mechanisms, foreign political relations as well as relations with the Czech minority inhabiting the disputed territory. The thesis should contribute to understanding the extent to which the declaration of these provinces was an immediate response to developments in Central Europe, or whether it was the result of long-term trends in Czech-German relations. One of its parts is dedicated to conceptions of a dissolution of the Czech lands, which were created in the years 1848-1918. Conclusion of this thesis is focused on the comparsion of the political activities of the both provincional governments and author tries to answer the question, how much are these policies similar and which governement better reacted to he challenges of the turning points of the autumn 1918.

This thesis investigates the continuance of the MeToo movement in the Swedish context via the digitalplatform Instagram, collective action and feminist organizations that are engaged to end sexual violence.It illuminates how the sisterhood impacted by the practice of challenging the rape script a conceptused to describe the discourse on how sexual violence should be like, and how victim-survivors should behave, how the engagement is made among the activists that engage to challenge the rape script and lastly, how since the MeToo movement started a discourse of rightlessness have been exposed through the sharing of experiences that the MeToo movement initiated. The ethnographic study is based on participant observation of feminist actions in real life and on Instagram as well as interviews with 13 activists from feminist organizations and with background as organisers of collective actions. It is found that the MeToo movement in Sweden is commonly practiced through an engagement in Feminist organizations that serve to keep the movement alive through continuous work to keep sexual violence on the agenda by keeping it visible, and that the engagement is driven by an experience of anger towards the societal discourse that sets the discourse on rape which affects the possibility to be recognized by the legal system. The thesis will overall suggest that there is a sisterhood built on a collective identity, and that the shared identity and oppression between non-men with an aspiration to support one another in the experience of oppression as well as organize safety nets for those who are sentenced for defamation as a consequence of speaking out.

In the last few years, there has been an explosion of Facebook groups specifically directed at a female audience. One topic that seems to organize and interest Swedish women especially is money. This study explores the biggest Swedish financial group of them all: Economista – women who enjoy stocks and private economy, currently hosting 146 thousand members.  The group is studied through a theoretical lens of fourth wave feminism, characterized by the use of digital tools for feminist action, as well as a revival of the feminist collective action from the second wave feminism, and a continuation of a feminist individual empowerment of third wave feminism. The study aims to investigate how feminism, and the empowerment of women is negotiated within the group. It also investigates what defines and delimits the female discursive object of the Economista. Methods used are a critical feminist discourse analysis and an explorative netnography, combined with focus group discussions with members of the group. The study shows that Economista can be seen as a collective space as members experience the group as a safe space where they educate each other about the stock market – a field historically dominated by men, that many are reluctant to enter. It also functions as a space for consciousness raising about patriarchal structures playing out in their everyday economic lives. However, the group can also be viewed as a limited emancipation, as it only includes a limited scope of individuals. The economically liberated subject that comes forth – The Economista – is a neoliberal, feminine version of a Homo economicus, who is responsible for making deliberate, rational decisions regarding her economy. In this postfeminist discourse, feminist analysis is no longer needed, as women have all the possibilities in the world to live a rich and happy life – if they just put their minds into it. The study shows that it is precisely these instances of “empowerment” that are important to dissect, as these often conceal limiting structures. In this case, the implications that this notion of freedom and “lack of governance” has for feminist struggle is that it masks norms, hierarchies and structural power relations producing economic inequality. Economista thus becomes part of the problem that it sets out to solve, as the group pictures itself as a solution to women’s economic inequality, at the expense of other solutions.