在目前國際社會中，社會變遷讓分裂主義成為一個全球普遍存在的時代議題。考慮到越來越多的國際組織出現，及世界潮流也逐步朝向無國界的道路發展，全球化在公民社會上也開始扮演另一個重要影響的角色。分裂主義和全球化本是兩個矛盾無法共融的概念，歐洲卻是表現這兩個概念間產生關聯的最好例子，歐盟各會員國透過一體化來展現力量，但歐洲中的一些國家及某些區域又具有強烈的分離主義，這兩者彼此是無法共通的，但是現實又已經形成交集，因此也導致出一個有趣的辯論與分析。 這些分裂主義運動不僅現時在歐洲各國擴散，在世界各國也形成一股風潮。英國、西班牙和加拿大這些國家，都處於分裂邊緣的發展，使單一國家的概念被大幅度挑戰。而分裂主義會成為如此熱門的議題，是因為最近世界經濟與社會的變化，鼓勵更多國家的公民與團體，往這麼個方向走出，如2014年克里米亞與烏克蘭分離事件、蘇格蘭公投，讓分離議題持續成為國際社會必須關注的焦點。蘇格蘭分裂主義的公投運動，自2014年以來一直是國際社會關注的焦點，主要的原因是這裡面意涵著，包含了兩個相互衝突的概念:蘇格蘭想要從英國獨立的分裂性，卻又支持全球化的互助性。因此，根據全球化分析加諸於分裂運動上的限制，將蘇格蘭做為全球化-分裂主義的個案研究，本研究提供有趣的見解與論斷，提供分裂運動各個面向的議題，在面臨全球化是否成為獨立成功可能性的參考。 / Separatism has never been as prevalent as it is now with the current shifts occurring in the international society. Globalization has been another prominent influence in the global community as well considering there have been more international institutions enacted and the world is increasingly becoming a borderless one. Separatism and globalization are two contradictory concepts and a prime example of the linkage between the two concepts can be seen through European integration and the regional separatist movements in Europe. Both are paradoxical and thus, they make for an interesting debate. Not only are these separatist movements widespread in countries of Europe but has become prominent in many countries all around the world. Countries such as the United Kingdom, Spain and Canada are on the verge of splitting up and with vivid alterations in society such as Putin’s annexation of Crimea and Scotland’s referendum in 2014, the topic of separatism has been at the forefront of the international community nowadays. Scotland’s separatist movement has been the one to watch since 2014 and the reason for this is because it encompasses both the conflicting concepts separatism and globalization considering Scotland supports globalization but also wishes for separation from the rest of the United Kingdom. Therefore, placing Scotland as the case study in the context of the globalization-separatism debate will offer interesting insights as to the constraints that globalization places on separatist movements, but also, the possibilities of a separatist movement becoming independent in the face of globalization.

Within the context of economic history, this case study discusses “separatist cooperation” as an organizational and economic strategy for addressing multiple forms of alienation and inequality. Unique in the European cooperative movement at the time, The Women’s Cooperative Society Swedish Homes (Kvinnornas Andelsförening Svenska Hem), active in Stockholm 1905-1916, is a case in point. Using a theoretical framework drawn from social and economic reconstruction as well as critical perspectives inspired by intersectionality, the study analyzes how arguments, practices and choices of Svenska Hem are manifested in terms of three themes/strategies of de-alienation: democratic participation, asset-building and narrative representation. Cutting through each of these themes/strategies, explicit and implicit conceptions of gender, class and group solidarity are critically analyzed. The results show that the separatist strategy in combination with cooperative organizing generated considerable movement energy and capital accumulation e.g. in the face of an organized boycott from competing (male) traders. Further, the women’s cooperative constituted a space for asset-building while negotiating the changing social role of women generally and housewives in particular. The analysis shows that Svenska Hem’s organization and narrative was marked by class bias, while striving to become a cooperative relevant to “women of all classes”, invoking the housewife-as-consumer as a collective with a shared interest.

Submitted by Cristiane Chim (cristiane.chim@ucpel.edu.br) on 2018-06-11T12:11:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Stela Aparecida Leite Lima.pdf: 1714960 bytes, checksum: ebfe237613060d2943c7d44f19761756 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-11T12:11:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Stela Aparecida Leite Lima.pdf: 1714960 bytes, checksum: ebfe237613060d2943c7d44f19761756 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES# / #2075167498588264571# / #600 / This dissertatiom is included in the research line called Text, Discourse and Social Relations, and the theoretical field for its development is linked to Discourse Analysis of Michel Pêcheux’s filiation. The research establishes considerations on the Movement O Sul é o Meu País (OSMP), a civic association, minded to emancipate the social and administrative organization of three southern Brazilian states of the Federative Republic. The central objective is to understand the thoughts in circulation by the OSMP Movement and the senses that follow. Therefore, we focus our attention on the Manifesto Libertário (2000/2017), the group's institutional document. Given the objective, we present the guiding problems of this research: How does the Movement sustain and fortify secessionist discourse, keeping it alive? What are the group discursive strategies for the promotion of some senses and not others? For the interpretative gesture, we make cuts that enable us to sample the regularities present in the discursive functioning of the OSMP, and the methodological procedures we take to analyze the selected discursive sequences are: i. discursive interlocution; ii. excess and split statement; and iii. strangeness and transverse discourse. The study is divided into five chapters: the first is destined for the contextualization of the Movement, dealing with its constitution and the imaginary that permeates the materiality of the Manifesto. The second is reserved for an understanding of the ideological formation and the discursive formation, in which we configure the separatist discursive formation in which the group subscribes as subject-position OSMP. The third is dedicated to understanding the conditions of production of separatist discourse. The last two are for the analytic-interpretative procedure. In this way, we work on the sense effects produced by the Movement. It can be observed some legitimate and legal senses for the separatist discourse, demanding a true-effect of its ideological assumptions, and others that can go through its saying, jeopardizing its goal. Between sayings and unsaid, implications of meanings can be on, promoting their ideal, the group spreads intolerance in our society / Esta dissertação inscreve-se na linha de pesquisa do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Letras, denominada Texto, Discurso e Relações Sociais, e o campo teórico para o seu desenvolvimento está vinculado à Análise de Discurso, com filiação em Michel Pêcheux. A pesquisa estabelece reflexões sobre o Movimento O Sul é o Meu País (OSMP), reconhecido como uma associação cívica que se propõe a viabilizar a emancipação política e administrativa de três estados do sul do Brasil, da República Federativa. O objetivo central é compreender os saberes colocados em circulação pelo Movimento OSMP e, os sentidos que daí advêm. Para tanto, a atenção centrou-se no Manifesto Libertário (2000/2017), documento institucional do grupo. Dado ao objetivo, eis as problemáticas norteadoras do trabalho: como o Movimento sustenta e fortifica o discurso secessionista, mantendo-o vivo? E que estratégias discursivas são utilizadas pelo grupo em promoção de alguns sentidos e não de outros? Para o gesto interpretativo, efetuaram-se recortes que possibilitaram uma amostragem das regularidades presentes no funcionamento discursivo do OSMP, cujos procedimentos metodológicos tomados para análise das sequências discursivas selecionadas são: i. interlocução discursiva; ii. excesso e enunciado dividido; e iii. estranhamento e discurso transverso. O estudo divide-se em cinco capítulos: o primeiro destinado à contextualização do Movimento, tratando a sua constituição e o imaginário que perpassa a materialidade do Manifesto; o segundo, reservado para a compreensão da formação ideológica e da formação discursiva, em que foi configurada a formação discursiva separatista na qual o grupo se inscreve enquanto posição-sujeito OSMP; o terceiro, dedicado à compreensão das condições de produção do discurso separatista; e os dois últimos, propostos para o procedimento analítico-interpretativo. Nesse caminho, se trabalhou os efeitos de sentido produzidos pelo Movimento. Dentre eles, temos sentidos em prol da legitimação e legalidade do discurso separatista, a busca por um efeito de verdade de seus pressupostos ideológicos, e outros, nocivos, que, podem atravessar seu dizer, colocando em risco seu objetivo. Entre ditos e não-ditos, as implicações de sentidos podem se dar quando, ao promover seu ideal, o grupo acaba por disseminar a intolerância em nossa sociedade.

Die internationale Staatengemeinschaft steht Sezessionsbestrebungen zur Aufspaltung bestehender Staaten gewöhnlich ablehnend gegenüber. Gleichzeitig wendet sie in vielen Ländern Instrumente der Entwicklungspolitik an und greift so auch in den dortigen politischen Prozess ein. Untersucht wird, inwiefern Entwicklungspolitik so gestaltet werden kann, dass sie nicht, quasi als Nebenwirkung, einer Sezessionsbewegung zum Durchbruch verhilft. Betrachtet wird dabei neben der gezielten Förderung wirtschaftlichen Wachstums auch das Instrument der Dezentralisierung, das oft als Mittel zur „Beruhigung“ separatistischer Bestrebungen vorgeschlagen wird. Zuvor jedoch wird aufgewiesen, dass eine Politik, die Sezessionen verhindern will, zumindest in vielen Fällen auch moralphilosophisch schlüssig begründet werden kann. Den Abschluss der Arbeit bilden drei Fallstudien zu Sezessionen auf dem Gebiet der ehemaligen Sowjetunion. / The international community is usually set against secessionist movements that aim at the splitting up of existing states. At the same time, in many countries instruments of development policy are applied, that automatically influence the political process there. The investigation here seeks to answer the question whether development policies can be designed in a way that they don’t unwillingly trigger secession as a side effect. In doing so, the focus is not only on growth-enhancing policies, but also on the instrument of decentralization, which is often presented as a tool suited to appease separatist movements. Prior to that, though, it is demonstrated that a policy aiming at the prevention of secessions can – in many cases at least – be justified with sound arguments of moral philosophy. The concluding chapter looks at three case studies of secessions that have been attempted on the territory of the former Soviet Union.

Submitted by Denis Matoszko Fortes null (denismatoszko@gmail.com) on 2017-09-28T15:22:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Denis Matoszko Fortes.pdf: 2311899 bytes, checksum: cea3e0592ac54039f67d975501809e2c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-29T17:02:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 fortes_dm_me_mar.pdf: 2311899 bytes, checksum: cea3e0592ac54039f67d975501809e2c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-29T17:02:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fortes_dm_me_mar.pdf: 2311899 bytes, checksum: cea3e0592ac54039f67d975501809e2c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente trabalho propõe-se a investigar o papel exercido pela Federação Russa na crise ucraniana que teve início em novembro de 2013 e culminou no surgimento de movimentos separatistas; na ofensiva militar do governo ucraniano e de milícias ultranacionalistas contra as regiões do leste do país que passaram a exigir maior autonomia em relação à Kiev; e na independência da península da Crimeia, a qual foi posteriormente anexada pela Rússia. A fim de investigar a postura adotada pelo governo russo, observa-se a necessidade do estudo de questões que envolvem não somente Ucrânia e Rússia, mas também a relação deste país com as potências ocidentais no pós Guerra Fria. Neste sentido, buscou-se compreender como os problemas decorrentes do fim da URSS e a contínua expansão da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) influenciaram as decisões da política externa russa no período. Ao longo da pesquisa procurou-se indicar elementos analíticos que possam contribuir para o estudo do tema e ultrapassem análises meramente conjunturais, a partir da constatação de que questões centrais que transbordaram a partir de 2013 – notadamente as divisões políticas e étnico-linguísticas no interior do Estado ucraniano, bem como a disputa pela tutela da Crimeia – já estavam presentes anteriormente, requerendo uma investigação atenta às variáveis geopolíticas e sócio-históricas. / This study seeks to investigate the role performed by the Russian Federation in the Ukrainian crisis that began in November 2013. This event resulted in the emergence of separatist movements and a military offensive led by the Ukrainian government and ultranationalist militias against the regions in the east of the country which demanded greater autonomy from Kiev, as well as the independence of the Crimean peninsula, latter annexed by Russia. In order to investigate the position adopted by the Russian government it is necessary to go beyond the issues regarding this country and Ukraine alone and also study the relationship between Russia and the Western powers in the post-Cold War period. In this sense, this work sought to investigate how the problems arising from the dissolution of the USSR and the continuous expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) influenced the Russian foreign policy in the period. Throughout the research, we tried to point out analytical elements that go beyond merely conjunctural analysis, based on the finding that crucial questions which had arisen in the 2013 crisis – notably the political and ethnic-linguistic divisions within the Ukrainian State, as well as the dispute over the tutelage of Crimea – were previously present, requiring an attentive investigation into the geopolitical and socio-historical variables.

Separatist tendencies in individual EU Member States and the potential impact on the free movement of persons in the EU This thesis deals with the separatist tendencies within the Member States of the European Union. It is therefore a case when a certain region within a Member State decides to secede from it. This needs to be distinguished from a situation when a whole Member State decides to withdraw from the Union. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the various possible scenarios in the case where there is a separation of that region from the Member State. It deals with it in the context of the regions potential continuity within the Union and furthermore it examines the differences between the two most important cases of possible internal secession in the EU of today: Catalonia and Scotland. The thesis evaluates the most probable scenarios in both cases and the consequent impact of such subjective secession of the regions on citizens and their rights in the EU context, in particular the free movement of persons. The first chapter deals with the definition of separatism and general characteristics of the practical behavior of the regions and the state they secede from in the context of the EU. It looks especially at the relationship between the originar country and the separatist region and...

Separatist tendencies in individual EU Member States and the potential impact on the free movement of persons in the EU This thesis deals with the separatist tendencies within the Member States of the European Union. It is therefore a case when a certain region within a Member State decides to secede from it. This needs to be distinguished from a situation when a whole Member State decides to withdraw from the Union. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the various possible scenarios in the case where there is a separation of that region from the Member State. It deals with it in the context of the regions potential continuity within the Union and furthermore it examines the differences between the two most important cases of possible internal secession in the EU of today: Catalonia and Scotland. The thesis evaluates the most probable scenarios in both cases and the consequent impact of such subjective secession of the regions on citizens and their rights in the EU context, in particular the free movement of persons. The first chapter deals with the definition of separatism and general characteristics of the practical behavior of the regions and the state they secede from in the context of the EU. It looks especially at the relationship between the originar country and the separatist region and...

This diploma thesis is covering Québec's policy and Quebec's change of identity from the era of the Quiet revolution. This work covers the changes that were a crucial in the creation of Québec's policy and national identity. From the time of the Quiet revolution in the 60's of the 20th century the society in Québec came through a drastic identity change. And not only in the province itself but also in the whole country of Canada. Because of this change, Québec refused the Canadian policy of multiculturalism. Canadian official policy does not accept Québec as a distinct society and also refuses the principle of the two-nation Canada. Therefore, Québec created its own policy of integration called interculturalism. In the analysis of the development of identity and nationalism, the methodology is a critical examination of the empirical experiences of Québec and the theses of the theoretical concepts of Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka. It was necessary to study Taylor's and Kymlicka's theses on multiculturalism, identity, communitarianism, and liberalism as a starting point for analyzing the development of Québec. It was important to formulate definitions of identity, nation, and multiculturalism, to determine the main categories of content, and to analyze the development of the Québec identity during...

Between 1810 and 1819, the Church of Sweden adopted three new books: the new handbook from 1811, archbishop Lindblom’s new explication of Martin Luther’s Small Catechism and Wallins new hymn book from 1819.  A few years earlier, a Lutheran revival movement had arisen in upper Norrland. The members of the revival movement, generally named “new readers”, reacted strongly to the influence of Enlightenment inspired theology (neology) in the new books. In 1848, the opposition of the most radical new readers led them to separate from the Church.  This master thesis examines the opposition to the new Swedish hymn book from 1819 in the area which since 1904 has been the diocese of Luleå. The study is limited to the period between 1819 and 1903. It is based on a qualitative problem-oriented source study through a close reading of the visitation documents for the parishes in the area. Opposition can be expressed in many ways and there can be many different indicators of it. The study’s inductive approach means that these indicators are not determined in advance, but rather are discovered through the close reading of the visitation documents.  The main questions discussed in the thesis are: • How long did it take before the parishes in upper Norrland introduced the hymn book of 1819? • What signs of opposition to the new hymn book are found in the visitation documents, and for how long? • How did the opponents motivate their resistance to the hymn book of 1819? • How was the new Sami hymn book from 1849 which was partly a translation from parts of the Wallinian hymn book received?  The study shows that it took a while before the new hymnal was introduced in most upper Norrland's Swedish-speaking parishes. More than half of those parishes had not introduced the new hymnal in 1829. This changed in many parishes during Bishop Franzén's visits in 1835. Opposition to the hymn book was largely expressed in parishes where the radical reading- movement had an influence. People expressed opposition to the hymn book in different ways during different phases. The opposition was usually explained in the visitation documents based on doctrinal reasons. The Sami hymnal, which was published in 1849 and which was partly based on the Wallinan hymnal, met with criticism from both the clergy in northern Lapland and the Sami. The priests criticized the translation, that it was difficult to understand for those who spoke the northern dialects. What the Sami were critical of is unknown.  The study shows that the new hymn book seemed to have been used in all Swedish-speaking parishes before 1903, but in parallel with the hymn book from 1695 in at least two parishes. This parallel use lasted for a very long time, perhaps during the entire investigation period. The old hymn book continued to be important to many people in upper Norrland.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis explores the ongoing Malay-Muslim separatist insurgency in southern Thailand. In particular, it argues that historically-rooted structural factors, to include relative economic deprivation, limited political integration, and struggle for the maintenance of ethnic-religious identity, are at the root of this insurgency. The year 2001 produced two catalysts for the renewal of this insurgency, one internal and one external. The internal catalyst was a newly elected suppressive government regime under the leadership of Prime Minister Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai Party. The external catalyst was the growing, increasingly radicalized Islamist movement, largely defined through terrorist violence, that expressed itself in the 9/11 attacks. The combination of these has produced rekindled secessionist violence of a previously unknown level in the Thai provinces of Pattani, Narathiwat, and Yala. Given the deeply ingrained structural cause of this insurgency, as well as a government administration whose policies and conflict mismanagement continually fuels the violence, the prospect for conflict resolution is not promising. Nonetheless, it remains in the best interests of the United States that this conflict is soon resolved. Should the insurgency continue growing, the situation may reach a point of drastic consequences for Thailand as well as the United States. / Captain, United States Air Force