The thesis is focused on the process of demise and disintegration of nationalist terrorist groups. The case studies of terrorism in Northern Ireland and Basque region in Spain demonstrate and analyze the development of local terrorist organizations from the beginning to the cessation of violent actions. An emphasis is put especially on the end of armed campaign and transformation of nationalist activities within a legal framework. In the case of Northern Ireland, the focus is put on the activities of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) from the beginning of the Troubles to the Belfast Agreement in 1998. The research in this thesis includes the influence of affiliated political parties - Sinn Féin in this case - on the process of negotiations and the continuation of Northern Irish nationalism after the end of armed campaign. The Basque case is devoted to the development of Basque nationalism since the beginning of the 20th century, the creation and development of Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) and its terrorist campaign within both the Francoist regime and Spanish democracy. An emphasis is put on the development of the organization until its official dissolution in 2018, activities of the political parties of the Nationalist Left affiliated to ETA and the attitude of Spanish authorities to...

Problemformulering och Syfte: Ämnet som huvudsakligen har undersökts i studien är kommunikation i online communities, digitala grupper på internet. Problemet som vi stött på och avgränsade oss till under detta ämne var sexism inom digital kommunikation. Utifrån ett medie- och kommunikationsvetenskapligt perspektiv var studiens syfte att observera på hur tonaliteten kring samtalet om aktier och privatekonomi utspelat sig i en kvinnlig respektive en könsblandad facebookgrupp. Utifrån resultaten och med utgångspunkt i feministisk teori, praxisgemenskaper och social marginalisering har vi dragit slutsatser om huruvida tonaliteten i grupperna kan ha påverkat kvinnors intresse för aktier och privatekonomi. Huvudresultat: Ur ett medie- och kommunikationsvetenskapligt perspektiv har vi genomfört kvantitativa innehållsanalyser vilket gav ett resultat som visar att den könsblandade facebookgruppen hade en mindre uppmuntrande tonalitet jämfört med den kvinnliga. Det visar sig också att den könsblandade gruppen är mansdominerade och har skapat en effekt av separatism där kvinnor väljer att avlägsna sig till andra forum där de får mer utrymme att vara en del av samtalet. Metod: För att kunna besvara syfte och frågeställningar har en kvantitativ innehållsanalys genomförts genom datainsamling från totalt 252 facebookinlägg med tillhörandekommentarer. Detta gjordes med hjälp av ett kodschema som behandlade 93 variabler.

After 1999 the situation in then relatively stable Dagestan started to deteriorate swiftly. However, unlike in the cases of previous separatist movements which sprung up in some parts of the Russian Federation after the demise of the USSS, Dagestani separatists did not officially gather under the flags of nation but under the flags of Islam. Soon, Dagestan entered a period of instability and violence which turned into a vicious circle of bloodshed. In a short period of time, Dagestan radically turned from stability to large scale violence, which makes it necessary for us to understand the factors responsible for the current situation. The following thesis analyses the development of Dagestan after the collapse of the USSR, from the stable period of the 90s till these days, which are characterized by omnipresent violence. Employing the theoretical knowledge collected by other scholars and analyzing similar separatist movements in other parts of the post-socialist world, taking into account the specifics the North Caucasus region, this study attempts to identify the factors (grassroots) which caused the rise of Dagestani insurgence. In comparison with the Chechen separatism of the early 90s, it uncovers the roots and the real face of the "new wave" of insurgency which flooded Dagestan and started to...

This study examines unaccompanied and newly arrived refugee girls’ possibilities to join collective activities. A lot of organizations in Sweden struggle to include unaccompanied and newly arrived refugee girls in activities such as sports and culture. Some of the causes to this problem derive from excluding mechanisms within the organizations, but also from the girls’ families or relatives who have certain rules regarding participation in activities. To increase the number of female participants, a number of organizations working with the target group are now developing projects using separatism as a method for inclusion. Separatism increases participation amongst girls, but it can be used as an alibi to compensate for inequalities within organizations. In order to receive good results from separatist work, the ideas from which separatism has evolved, such as feminism and equality, must be implemented throughout the entire work of the organizations using separatism as a method.

This thesis explores the experience of participating in a ‘hidden’ gender separatist forum for women and nonbinary persons on Facebook. It does so through a case study of a group called Växtgäris, which constitutes one link in a chain of gender separatist forums established on Swedish Facebook in recent years, whose names all end with -gäris. The aim of the research was to investigate what motivates people to participate in such groups, how members understand the separatist framework with regards to their experience of the forum, and how such online practices might relate to notions of ‘safe space’ and ‘mundane citizenship’. The study combines two (digital) ethnographic methods for collecting data: participant observations of the group’s discussion thread and in-depth interviews with eight members. In analysing the empirical material, the Roestone Collective’s re-conceptualisation of ‘safe space’ was combined with Bakardijeva’s theorisation of ‘mundane citizenship’ (and the related notion of ‘subactivism’) to address different segments of the data.Results show that participants in Växtgäris hold a variety of motivations for participating in the group, such as exchanging knowledge, connecting with other people interested in plants and to escape oppressive behaviour. Interviewees further described a variety of attitudes towards the group’s separatist element, ranging from very positive to more questioning standpoints. The study concludes that Växtgäris might provide a ‘safe space’ for sharing information, expressing feminist views, and ‘geeky’ expressions of love for plants. Finally, inconspicuous individual actions, such as referring to wider societal and political discourses and planting certain linguistic codes, might be viewed as expressions of ‘mundane citizenship’ and ‘subactivism’. The thesis adds to research investigating contemporary feminist expression, community formation and identity construction in online environments and further reveals how marginalised identities in Sweden might deal with oppression in today’s increasingly digital society.

The aim of this thesis is to examine female migrants’ experiences of separatist activation policies for a more inclusive labor market, and to contribute to a more nuanced and heterogeneous view on "immigrant women" in Sweden. I interviewed five women who have participated in these types of programs. The empiric material was analyzed from a social constructionist perspective and using postcolonial feminist theory. The result of this thesis is that the separatist room worked as a form of consciousness-raising. It also shows how the interviewees both identify themselves with, and disidentify themselves from a stereotypical image of “immigrant women”.

Separatism movements are widespread across the world; however, the European continentcontains several regions who wish to become independent sovereign states. The autonomousregion of Catalonia is one of Europe's many separatist regions, where a separatism movementis present. This study analyses the active separatism of Catalonia, with an emphasis onregional Catalan as well as national Spanish political organization’s attitude towards aCatalan independent state, and also which argument they have regarding an independentCatalonia. The purpose is to describe the regional Catalan as well as the national Spanishpolitical organization’s position within the debate regarding a Catalan separation from Spain.The utilized method for this study is a describing analysis of ideas, in order to analyze andunderstand the empirical material.This essay implements, based on the essay's theoretical framework, two analytical tools inorder to analyze the empirical material of the political organization’s which are two idealtypes of the phenomena nationalism and separatism.The study concludes that the regional Catalan political organizations, CiU and ERC, havemore tendencies of separatism in their pro-independence rhetoric’s, and they have movedaway from their former nationalistic political platforms because of failed dialogs with theSpanish national government. Regarding the national Spanish political organizations, on theother hand, the study concludes that both PSOE and PP have strong tendencies of nationalismin their rhetoric against Catalan independence, much in due to their alignment to the Spanishconstitution and their political goal of a more united Spain.

This research aims to reinforce the functional aspect of the Afrocentric paradigm by coupling the development of Afrocentric consciousness with a systemic race consciousness so that the intellectual production coming out of the discipline of Africology can more practically address the needs of Afrikan people under the contemporary system of white supremacy. By examining strengths and limitations of some existing theories and concepts within Black Studies, the goal of this examination becomes to more effectively address the problems of the epistemic convergence Eurocentrism structurally imposes on Afrikan people seeking liberation. Through an examination of how the cultural logic of racism/white supremacy has determined the shape and character of institutions within the United States, this work will argue that the most constructive political disposition for an Afrocentrist to take is one of separatist nationalism. The argument being made is that this ideological component is a necessary catalyst to produce Afrocentric scholarship that has optimal functional utility toward the goal of achieving sustainable liberation for Afrikan people from the Maafa. / African American Studies

This thesis explores separatist spaces, with focus on lesbian spaces, with the aim of enabling discussion about the need and configuration of that type of spaces. The focus is on exclusion as a method for achieving an equal society in the long term. Grounded in the queer phenomenology that concludes that gender has to do with access to space, and by the repetition of actions, gender segregation takes place in a way that seems effortless. It also deals with that queer, and other minorities, bodies need to orient themselves in a certain way to avoid assault. To orient themselves in a certain way, the space will need to be re-inhabited. The conclusion from that is that there is a need of separatist spaces for minority groups in order at times to get a break from the need to stay aware of the surroundings. This need is strengthened by cataloguing existing separatist spaces based on gender, sexuality and race. In Sweden today separatism is used as a practice to fight structural discrimination. However, separatist spaces face a resistance from the majority society. Following these conclusions the design project is carried out partly in 1:1 actions of separatist spaces, such as hosting sauna clubs where a group of people are invited to sauna together and talk. Part of the project is carried out in smaller scale. Feminist methodology has been used with a focus on architecture as a process rather than an object and using norm-creative design as a tool. / Uppsatsen och projektet utforskar separatistiska rum, med fokus för platser för lesbiska. Målet är att möjliggöra för en diskussion om behovet och utformningen av separatistiska rum. Fokuset är på exkludering som metod för att långsiktigt kunna uppnå ett jämlikt samhälle. Den teoretiska grunden är i queer fenomenologi som konstaterat att kön har att göra med tillgång till platser, och att genom en repetition av handlingar skapas en könssegregation som upplevs som den sker utan ansträngning. Den tar även upp hur queera, och andra minoriteter, orienterar sina kroppar på vissa sätt för att undvika påhopp och övergrepp. För att orientera sina kroppar på ett visst sätt behovet rummet om-bebos. Slutsatsen från det är att minoriteter behöver separatistiska rum för att kunna pausa från att ständigt ha fokus på omgivningarna. Detta stärkts genom en katalogisering av några separatistiska sammanhang baserat utifrån kön, sexualitet och ras. I Sverige idag används separatism som ett verktyg för att motverka strukturell diskriminering. Trots det så möter separatism motstånd från majoritetssamhället. Utifrån dessa slutsater har design projektet gjorts delvis i skala 1:1 av att organisera separatistiska arrangemang, så som att arrangera bastuklubbar där personer bjuds in till en bastu för samtal. En annan del har gjort i en mindre skala. Under designprocessen har en feministisk metod med fokus på arkitektur som en process snarare än som ett objekt samt att använda normkreativ design.

在目前國際社會中，社會變遷讓分裂主義成為一個全球普遍存在的時代議題。考慮到越來越多的國際組織出現，及世界潮流也逐步朝向無國界的道路發展，全球化在公民社會上也開始扮演另一個重要影響的角色。分裂主義和全球化本是兩個矛盾無法共融的概念，歐洲卻是表現這兩個概念間產生關聯的最好例子，歐盟各會員國透過一體化來展現力量，但歐洲中的一些國家及某些區域又具有強烈的分離主義，這兩者彼此是無法共通的，但是現實又已經形成交集，因此也導致出一個有趣的辯論與分析。 這些分裂主義運動不僅現時在歐洲各國擴散，在世界各國也形成一股風潮。英國、西班牙和加拿大這些國家，都處於分裂邊緣的發展，使單一國家的概念被大幅度挑戰。而分裂主義會成為如此熱門的議題，是因為最近世界經濟與社會的變化，鼓勵更多國家的公民與團體，往這麼個方向走出，如2014年克里米亞與烏克蘭分離事件、蘇格蘭公投，讓分離議題持續成為國際社會必須關注的焦點。蘇格蘭分裂主義的公投運動，自2014年以來一直是國際社會關注的焦點，主要的原因是這裡面意涵著，包含了兩個相互衝突的概念:蘇格蘭想要從英國獨立的分裂性，卻又支持全球化的互助性。因此，根據全球化分析加諸於分裂運動上的限制，將蘇格蘭做為全球化-分裂主義的個案研究，本研究提供有趣的見解與論斷，提供分裂運動各個面向的議題，在面臨全球化是否成為獨立成功可能性的參考。 / Separatism has never been as prevalent as it is now with the current shifts occurring in the international society. Globalization has been another prominent influence in the global community as well considering there have been more international institutions enacted and the world is increasingly becoming a borderless one. Separatism and globalization are two contradictory concepts and a prime example of the linkage between the two concepts can be seen through European integration and the regional separatist movements in Europe. Both are paradoxical and thus, they make for an interesting debate. Not only are these separatist movements widespread in countries of Europe but has become prominent in many countries all around the world. Countries such as the United Kingdom, Spain and Canada are on the verge of splitting up and with vivid alterations in society such as Putin’s annexation of Crimea and Scotland’s referendum in 2014, the topic of separatism has been at the forefront of the international community nowadays. Scotland’s separatist movement has been the one to watch since 2014 and the reason for this is because it encompasses both the conflicting concepts separatism and globalization considering Scotland supports globalization but also wishes for separation from the rest of the United Kingdom. Therefore, placing Scotland as the case study in the context of the globalization-separatism debate will offer interesting insights as to the constraints that globalization places on separatist movements, but also, the possibilities of a separatist movement becoming independent in the face of globalization.