Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marilea Venancio Porfirio.pdf: 1459814 bytes, checksum: 1987f28c10278fd4b163e31fb47f3126 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The development process of Brazilian society, based on the extensive accumulation of capital and in the reproduction of social inequalities, produces harmful consequences for a considerable part of the population, perpetuated in the poverty and consequent deprivation of rights guarantees. The result o this process is reflected on the distribution of wealth and of social goods, given to the ones that are on the base of the society, as an anomaly and values inversion. On this scenario the homeless population is inserted, less recognized segment, which particularities and singularities demand answers expressed in formulations of public policies of national scope and articulations. Abandoned by the public realm it demands, in advance, the comprehension that it finds itself on this condition, because the State and the society assumed, historically, and excluding and discriminatory capitalist developing process. This thesis is based on this premise and it objectives itself to demonstrate by newspapers news how the homeless people is presented under various denominations, multiple saturated visibilities of invisibilities manifested on the obscurity of the media means. Focusing this approach, we aim to reveal the essential axel of the analysis of the selected news, the comprehension of the universality of The Human Rights, assumed on the 1988 Constitution, which reinforces the value of human dignity, fundament of the democratic right state (Article 1º, III). Rarely, the media is going to recognize the street situation under its humanized subjectivity, essentially presented in the Constitution, in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, in National Program of Human Rights III and in the Homeless National Policy. The theoretical methodology base is the result of the analysis of an inventory of collection and daily reading, since 2010, of the newspapers O GLOBO, O DIA and EXTRA, from Rio de Janeiro, electing the news related to the years of 2012, 2013 and the first months of 2014. The findings in the analysis send us to the understanding about the naturalization, triviality criminality of poverty of the homeless. We have also noticed, in the printed news, the inexistence of a punctual discussion under the scope and perspective of human rights, highlighting the invisibility and lack of representation of this population. In the direction of the representation fortification of the homeless people, this paper presents also the experience of the Permanent Forum on Adult Population Living in the Streets, understood here in the Gramscian conception, which presumes na articulated necessity between the civil society and politics society, economy and politics / O processo de desenvolvimento econômico da sociedade brasileira, pautado na extensiva acumulação do capital e na reprodução de desigualdades sociais, produz consequências nefastas para considerável parcela da população, perpetrada na miséria e na consequente privação de garantias de direitos. A resultante desse processo reflete-se na distribuição da riqueza e dos bens sociais, reputada aos que se estabelecem na base da sociedade, como anomalia e inversão de valores. Nesse conjunto insere-se a população em situação de rua, segmento menos reconhecido, cujas particularidades e singularidades exigem respostas expressas em formulações de políticas públicas de alcance e articulação nacional. Abandonada no trato da esfera pública requer, antecipadamente, a compreensão de que se encontra nessa condição, porque Estado e sociedade assumiram, historicamente, um processo de desenvolvimento capitalista excludente e discriminador. Esta tese parte deste pressuposto e objetiva mostrar por meio de noticias de jornais como a população em situação de rua é apresentada sob diversas denominações, múltiplas visibilidades saturadas de invisibilidades manifestas na obscuridade do aparato midiático. Ao priorizar esta abordagem, busca-se revelar como eixo essencial nas análises das notícias selecionadas, a compreensão da universalidade dos Direitos Humanos, acolhida na Constituição de 1988, que consagra o valor da dignidade da pessoa humana, fundamento do estado democrático de direito (Artigo 1º, III). Raramente, o aparato midiático vai reconhecer o morador em situação de rua em sua subjetividade humanizada, essencialidade presente na Carta Constitucional, na Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos, no Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos III e na Política Nacional para a População em Situação de Rua. A base teórico-metodológica é resultado da análise de um inventário de coleta e leitura diária, desde 2010, dos jornais O GLOBO, O DIA E EXTRA, do Rio de Janeiro, priorizando-se as notícias referentes aos anos de 2012, 2013 e aos primeiros meses de 2014. Os achados nas análises efetuadas remetem a um entendimento acerca da naturalização, da banalização e da criminalização da pobreza dos moradores em situação de rua. Percebe-se, também, nas notícias veiculadas, a inexistência de uma discussão pontual sob a ótica e a perspectiva dos direitos humanos, destacando-se a invisibilidade e a ausência de representatividade desta população. Na direção do fortalecimento da representatividade da população em situação de rua, este trabalho apresenta ainda a experiência do Fórum Permanente sobre População Adulta em Situação de Rua, manifestação da sociedade civil, entendida aqui na concepção gramsciana, que supõe uma necessária articulação entre sociedade civil e sociedade política, economia e política

Essa pesquisa teve como finalidade investigar a relação entre a distribuição espaçotemporal dos casos de violência contra crianças e os indicadores de desigualdades sociais intraurbana nos bairros da Cidade de Porto Alegre, Capital do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil, nos anos de 2000 e de 2014. Para isso analisamos três diferentes tipos de manifestações de violência contra crianças relativas aos óbitos decorrentes de Causas Externas e de Homicídios e as ocorrências de Violência Física que posteriormente foram correlacionados a cinco dimensões sociais referentes aos aspectos demográficos, educacionais, residenciais, infraestruturais e econômicos dos bairros que compõem o espaço urbano de Porto Alegre. A metodologia de pesquisa empregada foi através da análise exploratória de dados espaciais e das técnicas de georreferenciamento. Como referencial teórico nos baseamos nas concepções elaboradas pela primeira geração de sociólogos da Escola de Chicago para explicar a expansão e a distribuição interna das metrópoles. Também utilizamos a teoria Eliasiana sobre o Processo Civilizador para explicar as mudanças de comportamento dos adultos em relação às crianças e a formação do Estado Moderno como detentor legítimo do monopólio da violência física. Entre os resultados encontrados, constatamos um aumento na taxa de homicídios e na taxa de ocorrência de violência física contra crianças durante o período de tempo analisado. As variáveis que melhor explicaram as variações dessas taxas estavam correlacionadas à dimensão econômica dos bairros de Porto Alegre. Constatamos também que não ocorreu uma mudança no padrão espacial dos bairros que apresentaram as maiores taxas de eventos envolvendo violência contra crianças durante o período de tempo analisado. Esses bairros, além de estarem localizados nas regiões periféricas da Cidade, foram caracterizados pela carência de infraestrutura urbana, pelos altos índices de analfabetismo, pela elevada densidade habitacional, pela baixa renda dos seus habitantes e pela ausência do Estado como mantenedor da ordem urbana, da segurança e do bem-estar dos cidadãos, sobretudo das crianças. Por fim, concluímos que a distribuição espacial dos eventos envolvendo violência contra crianças em Porto Alegre possui uma estreita relação com os indicadores de desigualdades sociais intraurbano e que essa relação pouco se alterou entre os anos de 2000 e 2014, apesar de ter ocorrido uma redução das desigualdades sociais observadas na Cidade durante esse período de tempo. / This research had as objective to investigate a relationship between the spatial-temporal distribution of cases of violence against children and the indicators of intraurban social inequalities in the districts of the City of Porto Alegre, Capital of the State of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, in the years 2000 and 2014. For this purpose, we analyzed three different types of manifestations of violence against children, relating to deaths due to External Causes and Homicides and the occurrences of Physical Violence, which subsequently were correlated to five social dimensions relating to demographic aspects, educational, residential, infrastructural and economic of the districts that make up the urban space of Porto Alegre.The research methodology employed was through Exploratory Analysis of Spatial Data and georeferencing techniques. As a theoretical framework we are based on the conceptions developed by the first generation of sociologists of the School of Chicago to explain the expansion and the internal distribution of the large cities. We also use the Eliasian theory of the Civilizing Process to explain the changes in adult behavior toward children and the formation of the Modern State as the legitimate holder of the monopoly of physical violence. Among the results, we found an increase in the homicide rate and the rate of occurrence of physical violence against children during the time period analyzed. The variables that best explained the variations of these rates were correlated with the economic dimension of the districts of Porto Alegre. We also found that there was no change in the spatial pattern of districts that presented the highest rates of events involving violence against children during the time period analyzed. These districts, besides being located in peripheral regions of the City, were characterized by the lack of urban infrastructure, high illiteracy rates, high housing density, low income of its inhabitants and by the absence of the State as a maintainer of urban order, security and welfare of citizens, especially of the children. Finally, we conclude that the spatial distribution of events involving violence against children in Porto Alegre has a close relationship with the indicators of intraurban social inequalities and that this relationship little has changed between the years of 2000 and 2014, despite the fact that there has been a reduction of social inequalities observed in the City during this period.

[pt] O foco do presente trabalho é a dinâmica das relações familiares de adolescentes em conflito com a lei. O estudo foi realizado a partir de entrevistas com mães de adolescentes pobres, moradores da Baixada Fluminense, que cumprem medidas socioeducativas determinadas pela Vara da Infância e Juventude da Comarca de S. João de Meriti. A autora aborda aspectos psicológicos e sociais da questão, apontando fatores que, de alguma forma, facilitam a entrada do jovem, cada vez mais cedo, no universo do tráfico de drogas. Através de uma breve resenha, é destacada a histórica desigualdade social existente no Brasil, que vitimiza, há quinhentos anos, a população mais desfavorecida, empurrando-a para a margem do tecido social. O jovem oriundo de tal camada, passa a ter visibilidade a partir da prática de atos ilícitos, preocupando e atemorizando a mesma sociedade que o excluiu. / [en] This essay focuses on the relationships in families of juvenile offenders under correctional custody in Rio de Janeiro. The study is based on interviews with mothers of poor adolescents under the responsibility of juditial authorities of the district of São João de Meriti. The author emphasizes psychological and social aspects of the matter, indicating points which may collaborate for teenagers to join the drug traffic universe. A brief report of the Brazilian historical social inequality points out the victimization of the working class people, relegated to an inferior position in the society. The poor adolescents gain visibility through illicit acts, preoccupying and terrorizing the same social class that had excluded them.

Appuyée sur une enquête ethnographique d’orientation sociologique dans sept écoles primaires parisiennes socialement contrastées, cette thèse s’efforce d’expliquer la permanence du phénomène de reproduction sociale malgré les profondes transformations intervenues dans l’école primaire depuis les années 1960. L’école est en effet désormais « ouverte » à des activités diverses encadrées par des acteurs variés porteurs de logiques parfois divergentes. Pour soutenir l’analyse, la notion de « curriculum transparent » est introduite, qui désigne la façon dont cette école mosaïque attend des enfants qu’ils interprètent les prescriptions pour les transformer en activité. Il est alors possible de souligner la place centrale que deux opérations occupent. La première est la synthèse d’expériences hétérogènes qui permet aux enfants de tirer des enseignements de l’activité réalisée dans des contextes très différents. La seconde consiste en la traduction d’une logique en une autre et rend le dialogue entre ces différentes activités possible. Certains enfants parviennent ainsi à percevoir l’ancrage disciplinaire de projets thématiques ou les apprentissages que recèlent les activités ludiques, générant une solidarité qui donne sens à la division du travail scolaire. Mais d’autres cloisonnent les différentes logiques, tendent à privilégier en classe les tâches sur l’activité et ne semblent envisager aucun bénéfice scolaire des activités réalisées en dehors de la classe. Le portrait est alors esquissé d’une école qui, malgré la volonté officielle affichée, renonce à « affilier » une partie des enfants, entretenant le risque contemporain de délitement de la cohésion sociale. / This thesis is based on a sociological survey with an ethnological methodology carried out within a sample of seven Parisian primary schools socially diversified. It aims at explaining the persistence of a social reproduction scheme in spite of numerous changes that occurred in primary schools since the 50’s. School is indeed now « open » to heterogeneous activities taken in charge by various stakeholders sometimes led by different logics. The concept of “transparent curriculum” is brought up to sustain the analysis. It refers to the way this “mosaic school” expects children to convert the prescriptions into activities. At this point, two processes are at stake: first is the synthesis of heterogeneous experiences that allows children to take benefit of an activity performed within very different contexts. Other consists in translating one logic into another, thus enabling the comparison between these activities. On the one hand, some children manage to perceive the discipline’s roots of thematic projects or the hidden knowledge at work in recreational activities, thus generating a “solidarity” that makes sense in the school division of work. On the other hand, other children keep the different logics apart, tending to focus, in the classroom, on tasks rather than on activities and acting as if there were no scholar benefit to be taken from the activities outside the classroom. The thesis thus gives a picture of a school which, in spite of its official will, gives up with part of the children, keeping up the contemporary risk of a social cohesion breakdown.

Diss. Stockholm : Stockholms universitet, 2008.

The aim of the dissertation research is to identify the features of Lithuanian educational system affecting social inequality in the direction to stimulation or reduction. The role of education regarding social inequality is one of the most controversial objects of scientific discussions. Is education an effective foundation of society emancipation, equal wrights and social mobility, or on the contrary, it enhances the current structure of the society? It is an open question for scientific discussions. Researches show that education connect in itself two contradictional elements: on the one hand, it is one of the most widely acknowledged social “elevators” helping to rise by the steps of social status, on the other hand, education also has the function of mobility control. Many researches revealed that correlations between education and social status of a man in different countries are different. Thus the role of education with respect to social inequality is directly connected with social, economical and cultural specificity of the country. The dissertation research employs tools of qualitative research, and they allow describe the relationship between education and social inequality as well as identify concrete features of education system that diminish or/and increase social inequality in specific socio-cultural and economic conditions in Lithuania. The composition of the research sample includes the levels of national politics and self-government, institution (education... [to full text] / Disertacijos tikslas - identifikuoti Lietuvos švietimo sistemos bruožus, paveikiančius socialinę nelygybę jos skatinimo arba redukavimo kryptimi. Švietimo vaidmuo socialinės nelygybės atžvilgiu yra vienas prieštaringiausių mokslinių diskusijų objektas. Ar švietimas iš tiesų yra efektyvus visuomenės emancipacijos, lygių galimybių bei socialinio mobilumo pamatas, ar atvirkščiai – linkęs išlaikyti esamą socialinę visuomenės struktūrą dar šiandien yra atviras mokslinėms diskusijoms klausimas. Tyrimai rodo, jog švietimas savyje apjungia du prieštaraujančius pradus – viena vertus, jis yra vienas plačiausiai pripažintų socialinių „liftų“, padedančių pakilti socialinio statuso laipteliais aukštyn kita vertus, švietimas atlieka ir mobilumo kontrolės funkciją. Dauguma tyrimų atskleidė, jog skirtingose šalyse koreliacijos tarp išsimokslinimo ir užimamo statuso yra skirtingos. Taigi, švietimo vaidmuo socialinės nelygybės atžvilgiu, tiesiogiai siejasi su šalies socialiniu, ekonominiu ir kultūriniu specifiškumu. Disertaciniame tyrime taikytos kokybinio tyrimo priemonės kaip tik ir leido aprašyti švietimo ir socialinės nelygybės sąryšius bei identifikuoti konkrečius švietimo sistemos bruožus, mažinančius ir/arba didinančius socialinę nelygybę specifinėmis Lietuvos sociokultūrinėmis ir ekonominėmis sąlygomis. Sudarant tyrimo imtį kryptingai buvo apjungtas nacionalinės politikos ir savivaldos lygmuo, institucinis (švietimos ir kitos socialinės institucijos) bei individualus lygmuo (mokytojai... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Contemporary theoretical and political approaches have sought to integrate both a material politics of redistribution and a cultural politics of recognition into a relational theoretical framework. Such frameworks consider the intersecting ways individuals and groups suffer from over-determining social inequalities that are rooted in the economic, cultural and political orders of society. In this thesis, I identify approaches that seek to explain the intersection between economic, cultural, and political variables as “integrated” theories of justice. At the forefront of integrated approaches that have cut across disciplinary and epistemological divides, I critically engage with Nancy Fraser’s integrated theory of justice (1995, 1998, 2000, 2003, 2005). I also examine similar, yet alternative approaches advanced by Jacinda Swanson (2005) and others that have attempted to reconcile the economy/culture/politics relationship. I argue that while integrated theories of social justice provide a correction to previous “reductionist” and “essentializing” theories of social justice, they do not go far enough to capture the over-determining interconnections between economics, politics, culture, and agency. As a result, they are unable to adequately address the complexity of social inequalities. To address this problem in the literature, I re-work integrated theories of social justice that attempt to reconcile the economy/culture/politics divide through an integration with a realist meta-theoretical approach. A realist approach offers several theoretical, methodological and political gains for recasting complex theories of social justice.

A pervasive critique argues that the educational and social background of senior managers, determined largely by recruitment policies and practices, was an important contributor to the relative economic decline of Britain. The current thesis argues that this critique, even in nuanced form, suffers from serious flaws. For example, long term results of recruitment are confused with information on recruitment processes. In fact, corporate performance can only be judged by understanding the challenges that faced companies, and the limits of the options available to them. The objective of the work, then, is to outline the steps sensible recruiters should have taken to secure their needs for bright young entrants, and to describe and measure what in fact happened. Key findings are that: the criteria used by companies to define high-flier entrants – intelligence, certain personal skills, and signs of character - have remained fundamentally unchanged even if emphasis has moved. Business pursued these attributes through proxies, the most important of which was that of educational qualifications. Business was rightly slow, until the 1950s, to recruit graduate entrants because most bright young people did not attend university. Although British peculiarity in terms of non-vocationalism has been exaggerated, a lesser focus on ‘relevant’ qualifications for non-technical positions was not an economic disadvantage. Proxies for personal qualities were less robust but, over time, were replaced by better direct measurement of individual qualities. The solution found in Britain to bring educated young people together with employers through regional and national recruitment institutions, including the graduate milkround, has proven highly successful. The selection of entrants has been approached at least as well as abroad, and notably unreliable tools were avoided. Business obtained an ever growing proportion of young talent, and did so by integrating educated young people from new social strata to an extent unmatched abroad.

Contemporary theoretical and political approaches have sought to integrate both a material politics of redistribution and a cultural politics of recognition into a relational theoretical framework. Such frameworks consider the intersecting ways individuals and groups suffer from over-determining social inequalities that are rooted in the economic, cultural and political orders of society. In this thesis, I identify approaches that seek to explain the intersection between economic, cultural, and political variables as “integrated” theories of justice. At the forefront of integrated approaches that have cut across disciplinary and epistemological divides, I critically engage with Nancy Fraser’s integrated theory of justice (1995, 1998, 2000, 2003, 2005). I also examine similar, yet alternative approaches advanced by Jacinda Swanson (2005) and others that have attempted to reconcile the economy/culture/politics relationship. I argue that while integrated theories of social justice provide a correction to previous “reductionist” and “essentializing” theories of social justice, they do not go far enough to capture the over-determining interconnections between economics, politics, culture, and agency. As a result, they are unable to adequately address the complexity of social inequalities. To address this problem in the literature, I re-work integrated theories of social justice that attempt to reconcile the economy/culture/politics divide through an integration with a realist meta-theoretical approach. A realist approach offers several theoretical, methodological and political gains for recasting complex theories of social justice.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:38:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 3934.pdf: 873984 bytes, checksum: eade9f111cceb401d639eaef10e6d1e7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-29 / The frequency of young in conflict with the law sets up with a social problem, whose solution is usually thought only from a process of education at the familiar scope. In the modernity, therefore, this responsibility turned out to be shared with the State. This research had, as general goal, to know according to the investigated youngster´s perception, the reasons and effects that took them to commit some infraction acts and others not to commit them. The study compared a group of young people that reported they had conflicts with the law with the other ones that, in the same research, reported not to commit this conflict, rebuilding their trajectory of life in their environment of socialization. These young people made part of a previous research made in the municipality of Botucatu in 2002, over the Public Health Department of Unesp / Botucatu. The interviews at the current job were made according to the young people´s history of life and their familiar, who were indicated by them like the biggest affective link: mother or father. It was tried to realize what differed the two groups from the point of view of the effects and dispositions. This is important to verge that the narratives were illuminated by a detachment of eight years from the moment of the first research, that is, the past was updated and rebuilt according to the new experiences. From the fifteen young people who were interviewed, eleven were male and four were female; two were at the prison and one had been murdered (these people´s histories of life were rebuilt based on the testimony of the family: mother or stepmother). Most of them were working (ten) and only three hadn´t concluded high school. From eight youngsters who related the conflict in the first interview, four didn´t have it anymore and the other four still had the conflict; from these, one was at the prison at the epoch of the current research and one had been murdered. From the seven youngsters who didn´t relate the conflict, four kept in this situation, three started having the conflict and one was at the prison. The trajectory of life of the youngsters was marked by situations that, for ones, had the role of protection and for others was factor of vulnerability, for example: the family, school, religion and friends. What differed the youngster´s choices was the meaning given by them for the experiences that they had lived. / A frequência de jovens em conflito com a lei se configura como um problema social, cuja solução é pensada costumeiramente somente a partir de um processo de educação no âmbito familiar. Na contemporaneidade, essa responsabilidade, porém, passou a ser compartilhada com o Estado. A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo geral conhecer, de acordo com a percepção dos jovens investigados, as disposições e as propriedades que levaram alguns a cometer atos infracionais e outros a não os cometerem. O estudo comparou um grupo de jovens que relatou ter tido conflito com a lei com outros que, na mesma pesquisa, informou o não cometimento de tal conflito, reconstruindo suas trajetórias de vida e seu ambiente de socialização. Esses jovens fizeram parte de uma pesquisa anterior realizada em 2002 no município de Botucatu, pelo Departamento de Saúde Pública da UNESP/Botucatu. As entrevistas no trabalho atual foram realizadas no molde da história de vida com os jovens e com seus respectivos familiares, os quais foram indicados por eles como de maior vínculo afetivo, pai ou mãe. Buscou-se perceber o que diferenciou os dois grupos do ponto de vista de suas propriedades e disposições. É importante ressaltar que as narrativas foram iluminadas pelo distanciamento de oito anos do momento da primeira pesquisa, isto é, o passado foi atualizado e reconstruído segundo as novas experiências. Dos 15 jovens entrevistados, 11 eram do sexo masculino e 4, do feminino; dois estavam presos e um havia sido assassinado, sendo que a história de vida destes foi reconstruída com base no relato dos familiares, mãe ou madrasta. A maioria deles estava trabalhando - 10 - e apenas três não haviam concluído o ensino médio. Dos oito jovens que relataram o conflito na primeira pesquisa, quatro deixaram de tê-lo e quatro continuaram tendo. Desses, um estava preso na época da atual pesquisa e um havia sido assassinado. Dos sete jovens que não relataram o conflito, quatro permaneceram nessa situação e três passaram a tê-lo e um desses encontrava-se preso. As trajetórias de vida dos jovens foram marcadas por situações que, para uns, serviu de proteção e para outros foi fator de vulnerabilidade, como por exemplo: a família, a escola, a religião e os amigos. O que diferenciou as escolhas dos jovens foi o significado dado por eles para as experiências vividas.