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Uma economia em crescimento, baixo desemprego e múltiplas políticas públicas construíram o caminho para a redução das desigualdades sociais e a mobilidade ascendente de milhões de brasileiros na década de 2000. Economistas, jornalistas, políticos e marqueteiros viram na ascensão econômica dessa população a emergência de uma “nova classe média”, definida na releitura de estatísticas nacionais e tornada alvo de intervenções governamentais e de mercado. A partir de uma pesquisa multissituada realizada entre 2012 e 2015 em São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Brasília e Washington D.C., esta tese problematiza os agenciamentos e as consequências políticas, econômicas e subjetivas da mobilidade em perspectiva etnográfica. Em Porto Alegre, a pesquisa encontrou a “nova classe média” de carne e osso, focando no desenho e implementação da maior política habitacional brasileira, o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida. Escavando as alianças e tensões entre políticos locais, vendedores de lojas, arquitetos, planejadores públicos, líderes comunitários e cidadãos-consumidores da casa própria, a etnografia se movimentou entre distintas escalas temporais e espaciais para captar as novas formações sociais, políticas e econômicas no seio da mobilidade econômica. A partir do acompanhamento de uma associação de futuros moradores politicamente articulada na demanda de um desses projetos habitacionais, a tese documentou como sua circulação política e espacial descortinou um trabalho cotidiano por cidadania predicado no testemunho público da necessidade. Ao mediarem inclusões e exclusões na política pública, associações e lideranças locais ajudaram a entretecer economias morais do merecimento que coalesceram com o desejo das pessoas por vidas para além da pobreza. Forjando novos “horizontes de imaginação” através do espaço construído e do consumo da casa, os beneficiários costuraram “becomings” coletivos e individuais que se materializaram em cartografias da esperança, aberturas de sentido e novos devires pelo território da cidade. O artefato etnográfico desses alinhamentos – ambíguos, controversos e efêmeros – entre cidadãos desejantes, dispositivos locais de governo e políticas públicas, transcende a gramática da “nova classe média” e questiona as novas fronteiras, limites e sobreposições entre cidadania, consumo, pobreza, democracia e inclusão de mercado na mobilidade da década de 2000 no Brasil. / An economy on the rise, low unemployment, multiple social and economic policies paved the way for the upward mobility of dozens of millions during the 2000s in Brazil – one of the most unequal countries in the world. Economists, journalists, politicians and marketers heralded the end of endemic poverty and the incorporation of this population into a newly defined “middle class”. Drawing from a three year long, multi-level ethnographic research conducted in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Brasília, Porto Alegre and Washington D.C., this dissertation problematizes the political, economic and subjective assemblages under which upward mobility unfolded amongst poor Brazilians. Empirically, it focuses on the design and implementation of the federal housing program “My House, My Life”. Unraveling the interactions between grassroots politicians, salespersons, architects, public planners, community leaders and first-time homeowners, ethnography traverses and breaks through the new social, political and economic formations of present-day Brazil. Based on fieldwork with an association of future residents of one these subsidized housing units, the dissertation foregrounds people’s resilience and work for citizenship, as they find ways to publicly document their precariousness. Brokering inclusions and exclusions from the housing policy, the association and its local leaders unleashed moral economies of worthiness that coalesced with people’s desire for lives beyond poverty. By concocting new “imaginative horizons” mapped onto the built environment and the consumption of the house, beneficiaries weaved together individual and collective “becomings” that crystallize into cartographies of hope – new openings intermingling with the urban fabric. The ethnographic artefact of such controversial and transient alignments between desiring citizens, local instances of governance, and public policies continuously leaks out of the hegemonic language of “middle class”, questioning contemporary boundaries and juxtapositions of citizenship, consumption, poverty, democracy and market inclusion in Brazil’s upward mobility.

Uma economia em crescimento, baixo desemprego e múltiplas políticas públicas construíram o caminho para a redução das desigualdades sociais e a mobilidade ascendente de milhões de brasileiros na década de 2000. Economistas, jornalistas, políticos e marqueteiros viram na ascensão econômica dessa população a emergência de uma “nova classe média”, definida na releitura de estatísticas nacionais e tornada alvo de intervenções governamentais e de mercado. A partir de uma pesquisa multissituada realizada entre 2012 e 2015 em São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Brasília e Washington D.C., esta tese problematiza os agenciamentos e as consequências políticas, econômicas e subjetivas da mobilidade em perspectiva etnográfica. Em Porto Alegre, a pesquisa encontrou a “nova classe média” de carne e osso, focando no desenho e implementação da maior política habitacional brasileira, o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida. Escavando as alianças e tensões entre políticos locais, vendedores de lojas, arquitetos, planejadores públicos, líderes comunitários e cidadãos-consumidores da casa própria, a etnografia se movimentou entre distintas escalas temporais e espaciais para captar as novas formações sociais, políticas e econômicas no seio da mobilidade econômica. A partir do acompanhamento de uma associação de futuros moradores politicamente articulada na demanda de um desses projetos habitacionais, a tese documentou como sua circulação política e espacial descortinou um trabalho cotidiano por cidadania predicado no testemunho público da necessidade. Ao mediarem inclusões e exclusões na política pública, associações e lideranças locais ajudaram a entretecer economias morais do merecimento que coalesceram com o desejo das pessoas por vidas para além da pobreza. Forjando novos “horizontes de imaginação” através do espaço construído e do consumo da casa, os beneficiários costuraram “becomings” coletivos e individuais que se materializaram em cartografias da esperança, aberturas de sentido e novos devires pelo território da cidade. O artefato etnográfico desses alinhamentos – ambíguos, controversos e efêmeros – entre cidadãos desejantes, dispositivos locais de governo e políticas públicas, transcende a gramática da “nova classe média” e questiona as novas fronteiras, limites e sobreposições entre cidadania, consumo, pobreza, democracia e inclusão de mercado na mobilidade da década de 2000 no Brasil. / An economy on the rise, low unemployment, multiple social and economic policies paved the way for the upward mobility of dozens of millions during the 2000s in Brazil – one of the most unequal countries in the world. Economists, journalists, politicians and marketers heralded the end of endemic poverty and the incorporation of this population into a newly defined “middle class”. Drawing from a three year long, multi-level ethnographic research conducted in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Brasília, Porto Alegre and Washington D.C., this dissertation problematizes the political, economic and subjective assemblages under which upward mobility unfolded amongst poor Brazilians. Empirically, it focuses on the design and implementation of the federal housing program “My House, My Life”. Unraveling the interactions between grassroots politicians, salespersons, architects, public planners, community leaders and first-time homeowners, ethnography traverses and breaks through the new social, political and economic formations of present-day Brazil. Based on fieldwork with an association of future residents of one these subsidized housing units, the dissertation foregrounds people’s resilience and work for citizenship, as they find ways to publicly document their precariousness. Brokering inclusions and exclusions from the housing policy, the association and its local leaders unleashed moral economies of worthiness that coalesced with people’s desire for lives beyond poverty. By concocting new “imaginative horizons” mapped onto the built environment and the consumption of the house, beneficiaries weaved together individual and collective “becomings” that crystallize into cartographies of hope – new openings intermingling with the urban fabric. The ethnographic artefact of such controversial and transient alignments between desiring citizens, local instances of governance, and public policies continuously leaks out of the hegemonic language of “middle class”, questioning contemporary boundaries and juxtapositions of citizenship, consumption, poverty, democracy and market inclusion in Brazil’s upward mobility.

Cette thèse étudie les réseaux et des pratiques de banquiers soviétiques à la tête de banques commerciales appartenant à l'URSS établies sur les places financières en Occident à l'époque de la guerre froide à partir de 1971. Membres de l'élite de la Banque du commerce extérieur de l'URSS et de la Banque d'Etat, ils dirigeaient les filiales à Paris, Londres, Singapour, Zurich et Beyrouth parmi d'autres... Située à la croisée de la sociohistoire financière et de la sociologie des élites et des professions, cette investigation puise dans les archives des banques soviétiques et les récits de vie pour comprendre l'identité professionnelle et sociale particulière de ces banquiers. Malgré l'adoption de sociabilités caractéristiques des élites bancaires transnationales, ils entretiennent un rapport d'allégeance fort quoique ambiguë avec Moscou, centré sur leur rôle de défenseurs des intérêts financiers soviétiques dans la finance mondialisée. L'analyse de leur identité comme "liminale" au sens anthropologique permet de comprendre pourquoi une prosopographie de 140 carrières post-sovétiques les place parmi les managers technocratiques et non les propriétaires de nouvelles banques russes. Le concept de "financial statecraft" exercée au nom de la "sécurité économique" sert de grille de lecture pour expliquer ces trajectoires et propose une clef d'analyse pour comprendre la finance russe internationale contemporaine. / This thesis looks at the networks and careers of Soviet capitalist bankers to analyze how global finance interacted with Cold War- and Russian financial history. Part of the elite of the Bank of Foreign Trade of the USSR and of the Soviet State bank, these bankers managed Soviet-owned commercial banks in the West in Paris, London, Singapore, Zurich and Beirut among other financial hubs. Competing with top western financial institutions, they practiced capitalist finance decades before perestroika reforms. At the crossroads of financial socio-history and the sociology of elites and occupations, this investigation draws on the archives of Soviet banks and life stories to understand the particular professional and social identity of these bankers. Despite the adoption of many sociablities characteristic of transnational banking elites, they maintained a strong but ambiguous allegiance to Moscow, centered on their role as defenders of Soviet financial interests on global markets. The anthropological concept of liminality explains why a prosopography of 140 post-Soviet careers shows that they became technocratic managers rather than owners of new Russian banks. The concept of "financial statecraft" in the name of "economic security" serves as a reading grid to explain these trajectories and offers a key to understanding contemporary Russian international finance.

Uma economia em crescimento, baixo desemprego e múltiplas políticas públicas construíram o caminho para a redução das desigualdades sociais e a mobilidade ascendente de milhões de brasileiros na década de 2000. Economistas, jornalistas, políticos e marqueteiros viram na ascensão econômica dessa população a emergência de uma “nova classe média”, definida na releitura de estatísticas nacionais e tornada alvo de intervenções governamentais e de mercado. A partir de uma pesquisa multissituada realizada entre 2012 e 2015 em São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Brasília e Washington D.C., esta tese problematiza os agenciamentos e as consequências políticas, econômicas e subjetivas da mobilidade em perspectiva etnográfica. Em Porto Alegre, a pesquisa encontrou a “nova classe média” de carne e osso, focando no desenho e implementação da maior política habitacional brasileira, o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida. Escavando as alianças e tensões entre políticos locais, vendedores de lojas, arquitetos, planejadores públicos, líderes comunitários e cidadãos-consumidores da casa própria, a etnografia se movimentou entre distintas escalas temporais e espaciais para captar as novas formações sociais, políticas e econômicas no seio da mobilidade econômica. A partir do acompanhamento de uma associação de futuros moradores politicamente articulada na demanda de um desses projetos habitacionais, a tese documentou como sua circulação política e espacial descortinou um trabalho cotidiano por cidadania predicado no testemunho público da necessidade. Ao mediarem inclusões e exclusões na política pública, associações e lideranças locais ajudaram a entretecer economias morais do merecimento que coalesceram com o desejo das pessoas por vidas para além da pobreza. Forjando novos “horizontes de imaginação” através do espaço construído e do consumo da casa, os beneficiários costuraram “becomings” coletivos e individuais que se materializaram em cartografias da esperança, aberturas de sentido e novos devires pelo território da cidade. O artefato etnográfico desses alinhamentos – ambíguos, controversos e efêmeros – entre cidadãos desejantes, dispositivos locais de governo e políticas públicas, transcende a gramática da “nova classe média” e questiona as novas fronteiras, limites e sobreposições entre cidadania, consumo, pobreza, democracia e inclusão de mercado na mobilidade da década de 2000 no Brasil. / An economy on the rise, low unemployment, multiple social and economic policies paved the way for the upward mobility of dozens of millions during the 2000s in Brazil – one of the most unequal countries in the world. Economists, journalists, politicians and marketers heralded the end of endemic poverty and the incorporation of this population into a newly defined “middle class”. Drawing from a three year long, multi-level ethnographic research conducted in São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Brasília, Porto Alegre and Washington D.C., this dissertation problematizes the political, economic and subjective assemblages under which upward mobility unfolded amongst poor Brazilians. Empirically, it focuses on the design and implementation of the federal housing program “My House, My Life”. Unraveling the interactions between grassroots politicians, salespersons, architects, public planners, community leaders and first-time homeowners, ethnography traverses and breaks through the new social, political and economic formations of present-day Brazil. Based on fieldwork with an association of future residents of one these subsidized housing units, the dissertation foregrounds people’s resilience and work for citizenship, as they find ways to publicly document their precariousness. Brokering inclusions and exclusions from the housing policy, the association and its local leaders unleashed moral economies of worthiness that coalesced with people’s desire for lives beyond poverty. By concocting new “imaginative horizons” mapped onto the built environment and the consumption of the house, beneficiaries weaved together individual and collective “becomings” that crystallize into cartographies of hope – new openings intermingling with the urban fabric. The ethnographic artefact of such controversial and transient alignments between desiring citizens, local instances of governance, and public policies continuously leaks out of the hegemonic language of “middle class”, questioning contemporary boundaries and juxtapositions of citizenship, consumption, poverty, democracy and market inclusion in Brazil’s upward mobility.

In this thesis I look at economic statecraft and try to examine why sanctions continue when they are failing, and why countries continue to use them despite debatable claims for success. For example, Hufbauer et. al.'s 2009 analysis shows sanctions only work 34% of the time, Pape (1997) estimates only 5%. Despite this economic statecraft is having a resurgence under the name "geoeconomics". This thesis builds off Kaempfer and Lowenberg's 1988 "Public Choice" theory of international economic sanctions. It hypothesises that in certain cases the domestic interests will be the primary goal of sanctions and therefore should be the primary focus of judging the success or failure of sanctions. Russia's 2014 food import ban is analysed to show that, despite failure to achieve any international goals, it is being successful at achieving the domestic goal of supporting Russian agriculture. The implications being that all current quantitative analysis of economic sanctions have potentially incorrectly measured sanctions as failures by not measuring them against the actual goals of the policies. Further research into this area to establish just how often sanctions are used primarily for domestic reasons, but even sanctions where domestic goals are only of secondary importance, their existence still needs to be...

第一個目標是檢視中國為了增強政治實力而建立對外政策—和平發展計畫2.0。第二個目標是試圖釐清中國是否可以藉由『Emily Goh』的理論轉化成實質影響。以中國於柬埔寨建設的水力工程為考察目標。除此之外，調查結果是以一些新現實主義的論點來找出兩者之間的相關性。結論證明了中國對柬埔寨確實有相當的影響力，且此樣的外交政策是有效用的。此外，現實主義者也藉此證明了自己的價值；然而，也彰顯了中國與柬埔寨雙方互動的缺點。 / The thesis seeks to evaluate China’s influences in Cambodia by relying on the neorealist account. The first goal is to examine the China’s foreign policy of ‘Peaceful Rise 2.0.’, as the tool of gaining political power. The second target is to find out whether China is capable of transferring such power into actual influence by adopting the theory of influence by Emily Goh. Research on such ability is tested in the case study of China’s involvement in construction of hydro-power facilities in Cambodia. In addition, findings are examined through the optics of several neorealist theories, to find out the relevancy of this discourse on this topic. The results prove the existence of China’s effective leverage on Cambodia, and also the capability to yield this kind of impact from the outcomes of the China’s foreign policy. Also, realist accounts proved their merits; however, also their shortcomings regarding the dynamics of Chinese-Cambodian interaction.

Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 139-154).

This work delves into the modalities of Chinese economic incentives and their reception in Kyrgyzstan. After tracing the rise of China as the main economic power in Central Asia since 2000, it uses Blanchard's and Ripsman's theory of economic statecraft to evaluate Kyrgyzstan's level of stateness and its susceptibility to economic inducements during president Atambayev's era. The objective is to address the issue of economic statecraft from the perspective of the target state and explain why Kyrgyzstan's co-operation with China has been less successful than in the case of other Central Asian countries. Kyrgyzstan's overall level of stateness was low but it did not result in compliance with Chinese demands. Instead, the low level of stateness prevented the government from overcoming domestic resistance to Chinese projects and implementing compliant behavior. Developmental aid and investment designed to favor the expansion of Chinese enterprises failed to gain the support of public opinion and contributed to the rise of anti-Chinese sentiment due to their involvement in corruption affairs and public scandals. Russia as a third-party actor represented an alternative for Kyrgyz policymakers and might have supported the resistance to Chinese endeavors.

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