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1	Influence of Alevi-Sunni Intermarriage on the Spouses’ Religious Affiliation, Family Relations, and Social Environment: A Qualitative Study of Turkish Couples Balkanlioglu, Mehmet A. 08 1900 (has links) What influence Alevi-Sunni intermarriage has on spouses’ individual religious affiliation after marriage was the initial research question addressed in this study. No official or unofficial data exist regarding the Alevi-Sunni intermarriage in Turkey. This study responded to the need to describe extant relationships by using a qualitative approach to gather detailed information from a sample of married couples in Corum city, Turkey. A case study method was applied to a sample of ten couples. Couples were selected using snowball and purposive sampling techniques. A team of researchers conducted forty face-to-face interviews. Each of the ten husbands and ten wives in Alevi-Sunni intermarriages were interviewed twice using semi-structured questionnaires. Additional demographic and observational data were gathered. Spouses in the Alevi-Sunni intermarriages sampled did not change their religious affiliation after marriage. The spouses reported few if any problems in their marital relationships and in child rearing. However, spouses did report many problems with parental families, in-laws, and other relatives. The disapproval and punishments from extended family members are related to the social stigma attached to Alevi-Sunni intermarriages. However, intermarriage, modernization including secularism and pluralism are challenging this stigma. Because of this transition further interdisciplinary studies on Alevi-Sunni intermarriage that explore different dimensions of intermarriage are needed. Family Turkey Sunnism Alevism intermarriage
2	Early Sunnī historiography : a study of the Tārīkh of Khalīfa b. Khayyāṭ Andersson, Tobias January 2016 (has links) This thesis is a study of the oldest Islamic chronological history still extant: the Tārīkh (‘Chronicle’) of the Basran ḥadīth scholar and historian Khalīfa b. Khayyāṭ al-ʿUṣfurī (d. 240/854), which covers the political and administrative history of the Muslim polity between year 1/622 and 232/847. Despite its early date, Khalīfa’s Tārīkh has received little attention in modern scholarship and its value for understanding the development of early Islamic historiography has generally been disregarded. The purpose of this study is, therefore, to reassess the Tārīkh by analysing both the text and its context of compilation. After outlining Khalīfa’s biography (Ch. 1) and his social and intellectual context (Ch. 2), the thesis examines different aspects of Khalīfa’s Tārīkh in comparison to the wider Islamic historical tradition: his sources (Ch. 3), methods (Ch. 4), arrangement of material (Ch. 5) and narrative treatment of key themes in the early tradition (Chs. 6–7). The thesis thereby provides an in-depth study of one of the earliest Muslim historians and his methods of compilation, which is important for both the study of Islamic historiography and the usage of such sources in historical scholarship on early Islam. It is argued that Khalīfa’s role as a ḥadīth scholar and his early Sunnī outlook is reflected throughout the content of the Tārīkh. This is particularly evident in Khalīfa’s selection of sources, which consist of mainly Basran transmitters including numerous major ḥadīth scholars, and in his narration of controversial events such as the early civil wars, which displays an early Sunnī perspective. It is also suggested that Khalīfa’s particular selection and arrangement of material was largely determined by his aim to compile a critical and concise chronology of the political and administrative history of the Muslim community. Moreover, the thesis shows that, while the Tārīkh differs from many other early histories, it bears some resemblance to other chronographies compiled by early ḥadīth scholars—such as the works of al-Fasawī (d. 277/890), Ibn Abī Khaythama (d. 279/892) and Abū Zurʿa al- Dimashqī (d. 282/895) as well as the sections on post-Prophetic history in some ḥadīth collections such as Ibn Abī Shayba’s (d. 235/849) Muṣannaf. By comparing Khalīfa’s Tārīkh with these works, the thesis draws attention to this type of historical writing among some early ḥadīth scholars, which has so far been neglected in modern studies on early Islamic historiography.
3	Sunnisme et Shiisme en dialogue : étude comparative de deux professions de foi : Maḥmûd Šaltût (1959) et Ğa‘far al-Subḥânî (1998) / Sunnism and Shiisme in dialogue : a comparative study of the two professions of faith : Maḥmûd Šaltût (1959) et Ğa‘far al-Subḥânî (1998) Bouzid-Dao, Houaria 06 November 2014 (has links) Sunnisme et Shiisme en dialogue : Etude comparative de deux professions de foi : Maḥmûd Šaltût (1959) et Ğa‘far al-Subḥânî (1998)L’islam actuel connaît deux grandes familles de musulmans dont les doctrines, les pratiques et les structures font qu’elles s’expriment à travers des formes contrastées tout en prétendant, l’une et l’autre, à en être l’unique représentant orthodoxe. La majorité des musulmans s’affirment sunnites, une minorité importante dont les membres se disent šî‘ites. A bien interroger la longue histoire de l’islam depuis ses origines, force est de constater, encore aujourd’hui, qu’il s’agit là des prolongements actuels d’une première fracture de la communauté musulmane qui se produisit pour des raisons de continuité du charisme prophétique et de légitimité du pouvoir religieux, fracture qui n’a jamais cessé de se manifester, au cours des siècles, sous des formes politiques, théologiques ou dévotionnelles. Et puisque l’affrontement s’exprime à nouveau aujourd’hui sous toutes ces formes, qu’elles soient politiques, théologales ou dévotionnelles, il nous a semblé intéressant de proposer un état de la situation actuelle du point de vue des dogmes. Pour ce faire, il nous a paru utile d’interroger et de comparer, en la présente thèse, deux traités plus ou moins contemporains qui en proposent les doctrines respectives en vue d’y discerner ce qu’elles ont en commun et ce qui les distingue spécifiquement. La ‘aqîda (credo) sunnite du Šayḫ égyptien Maḥmûd Šaltût, al-Islâm, ‘aqîda wa-šarî‘a (L’islam, credo et loi) (1959) est donc ici confrontée au traité du ‘Allâma iranien, Ğa‘far al-Subḥânî, al-‘Aqîda l-islâmiyya ‘alâ ḍaw’ madrasat Ahl al-Bayt (Le credo islamique à la lumière de l’école des Gens de la Maison) (2012). C’est pourquoi nous avons choisi, pour titre de cette thèse, « Sunnisme et Šî‘isme en dialogue », bien que les deux professions de foi présentées ici ne soient pas explicitement consacrées à cette question. Il apparaît néanmoins, au vu des parcours de leurs auteurs respectifs, qu’elle ne pouvait être étrangère à leurs préoccupations lorsqu’ils les ont rédigées. Notre initiative consistera seulement à « resituer » leurs grandes idées et leurs démonstrations respectives dans le cadre de ce dialogue, dont il est certain qu’il a représenté pour eux l’horizon de leur idéal de rapprochement, tout en tenant compte de leur. Notre choix s’est porté sur deux ouvrages à la fois d’un accès relativement aisé et d’une représentativité au-dessus de tout soupçon. La 1ère partie de la thèse se devait de présenter d’abord les auteurs et leurs ‘aqîda-s. Pour bien connaître qui sont les auteurs ici étudiés, il convenait d’en proposer la biographie et la bibliographie en situant leur témoignage et leurs publications dans des contextes socio-politiques très différents. En revanche, pour mieux apprécier ce que représentent ces deux professions de foi, on a estimé nécessaire de rappeler ce qu’est, en règle générale, une ‘aqîda avant d’examiner nos deux textes rapidement analysés en leurs chapitres et paragraphes. Cette démarche permettra de rappeler brièvement les visages du sunnisme et du šî‘isme actuels dans leurs grandes lignes doctrinales, leurs méthodologies théologiques et leurs implications juridiques. Suite à cela, nous proposerons, avec le texte arabe en vis-à-vis, la traduction française du livre de Šaltût, puis celle d’al-Subḥânî. La 2ème partie, de loin la plus importante, compare ainsi le contenu des deux ‘aqîda-s ici analysées à partir de leurs traductions françaises. Une conclusion d’ensemble pourra alors être proposée en vue d’évaluer ce que sunnisme et šî‘isme ont en commun aujourd’hui après des évolutions qui les ont vus se rapprocher singulièrement l’un de l’autre. Il sera, par suite, possible d’apprécier les efforts entrepris par certains en vue de « rendre proches» (taqrîb) Sunnites et Ši‘ites au nom d’un oecuménisme intra-islamique. / Sunnism and Shiisme in dialoguea comparative study of the two professions of faith :Maḥmûd Šaltût (1959) et Ğa‘far al-Subḥânî (1998)Current Islam comprises two large families of Muslims, in which doctrines, practices, structures are being expressed in different contrasted forms, each one of the two families pretending to represent the unique orthodoxy. The great majority of Muslims declare themselves as « Sunnit », then an influential minority of members declare themselves as « Shiites »If we look into the history of Islam since its origin, we are led to notice that ,even to day, these are off- shoots of a deep fracture in the Muslim community, That fracture occurred on account of the continuity of the prophetic charism and of the legitimity of the religious power; Right through the centuries that fracture was apparent under different forms, political, theological, devotionnal.Since that confrontation appears in top-days's world, under different forms:political, theological, devotionnal, It appeared to us an interesting initiative to brush up a picture of the actual situation looking at it on the point of view of dogmas. To do that, it appeared useful to us to compare , in the present thesis, two treaties explaining the two doctrines , the idea is to discern what they have in common and what distinghishes one from the other. The « aqida »(creed)of the egyptian Sayh Mahmud Saltut; al -Islam, aqida wa sari'a (islamic creed and law) is in here confronted with the treaty of the iranian « Allama, Ga'far al Subhani (the islamic creed in the light of the school of « the people of the house » (2012). That is why we have chosen as title: »Sunnism and Shiisme in dialogue » in spite of the fact that the two professions of faith are not directely relevent to that question. Nevertheless it appears that , taking into account the development of thought of the authors, the idea was part of their preoccupations by the time they were written down.Our main concern here is to re-set their great ideas and demonstrations in the framework of this dialogue: it is clear that it was an attempt to bring together the two parties without minimizing their differences. Our choice fell on two treaties which are of a relatively easy access and the representativity of which is beyond doubts.In the first part of the thesis we had to present the authors and their « aqidas » In order to have a good knowledge of the authors, it was profitable to propose their biography, to give an account of the bibliography, in order to situate their testimony and their publications in the socio political set- up of their time. In order to appreciate what these professions of faith represent, we thought necessary to remind ourselves about what an « aqida » is, before we could examin both texts quickly analysed going through chapters and paragraphs. That approach will allow us to recall to mind the different faces of Sunnism and shiism, nowadays, along their doctrinal lines, their theological methods, their juridical implications. After that, we shall propose ,with the arabic translation in front of it, a French translation of Saltut's book and a translation of al Subhani's book.The second part is by far the most important, we shall compare the content of both « aqidas »books and analyse them as from their french translations. As a common conclusion we shall propose an evaluation of what sunnism and si'isme have in common to day, at the end of an avolution that had tendency to bring them together. After that, we shall be able to appreciate the efforts undertaken by some in order to bring closer Sunnites and Shiites, in the name of an intra-islamic oecumenism. Islam Shiisme Sunnisme Eocuménisme Islam Shiism Sunnism Eocumenism 210
4	"De la description du paradis dans les sources islamiques sunnites" : (du VIIème siècle au début de la période moderne) / “From the description of paradise in Sunni Islamic sources" : (from the 7th century to the beginning of the modern period) Afif, Nora 06 December 2018 (has links) Le Paradis en Islam est défini par le terme arabe Al-Janna comme mentionné dans le Coran, le Livre Saint des musulmans. La connaissance du Paradis est associée chez les musulmans à des états de bien-être absolu dans l’Au-delà en même temps qu’elle est associée à la notion coranique du paradis originel comme premier lieu de séjour d’Adam et Ève. La récompense paradisiaque est interprétée dans les consciences musulmanes comme une grâce divine éternelle après la mort. C’est pourquoi toute une littérature de récits sur le Paradis islamique ne va pas cesser de fasciner les populations musulmanes et non-musulmanes depuis l’avènement de l’Islam jusqu’au début de la période moderne. Le texte coranique abonde en descriptions paradisiaques au même titre que les compilations de ḥadīths ou dires du prophète Muhammad, qui viennent les expliquer et les expliciter. La notion de paradis, fortement présente dans la doctrine islamique a fourni un grand nombre de thèmes de discussions aux théologiens et aux docteurs sunnites de la Loi durant toute la période médiévale suscitant parfois de vifs débats et des controverses. La littérature exégétique propre au paradis se définissant progressivement, il est alors nécessaire de comprendre le processus d’évolution dans l’élaboration d’une Histoire de la description du Paradis en Islam du VIIème au XVIème siècle ainsi que la manière dont s’est opérée la mise en place d’une interprétation réglementée par les auteurs sunnites les plus rigoristes pour l’imagination « cadrée » du lieu paradisiaque. / Paradise in Islam is defined by the Arabic term Al-Janna as mentioned in the Qur'an, the Holy Book of Muslims. The knowledge of Paradise is associated with the states of absolute well-being in the Hereafter and at the same time with the Qur'anic notion of the original paradise as the first place of residence of Adam and Eve. The heavenly reward is interpreted in Muslim consciousness as an eternal divine grace after death. This is why a whole literature of stories about the Islamic paradise will not stop fascinating the Muslim and non-Muslim populations since the advent of Islam until the beginning of the modern period. The Quranic text abounds in paradisiacal descriptions as well as the compilations of ḥadīths or sayings of the prophet Muhammad, who come to underline and explain them. The notion of paradise, strongly present in Islamic doctrine, has provided a great deal of discussion to Sunni theologians and Sunni Doctors throughout the medieval period, sometimes with heated debate and controversy. The exegetical literature specific to paradise being defined gradually, it is then necessary to understand the process of evolution in the elaboration of a History of the description of Paradise in Islam from the 7th to the 16th century, as well as the way in which it operated the establishment of a regulated interpretation by the most rigorous Sunni authors for the "framed" imagination of the paradisiacal place. Paradis Sunnisme Al-Janna Hadith Islam Firdaws Paradise Hadith Al-Janna Sunnism Islam Firdaws
5	From genesis to disintegration : the crisis of the political- religious field in Tripoli, Lebanon (1967-2011) / De la genèse à la désintégration : la crise du champ politico-religieux à Tripoli, Liban (1967-2011) Gade, Tine 21 April 2015 (has links) Après l’assassinat de Rafic Hariri le 14 février 2005 et le retrait syrien du Liban (avril 2005), son fils, Sa‘d, essaya de fédérer un public politique mobilisé contre la Syrie, le Hezbollah et l’Iran. Ce travail fait l’hypothèse de l’échec de Sa‘d Hariri de mobiliser dans la durée les différents composantes du champ politique tripolitain. Pourquoi Hariri et le Futur ne réussirent-ils pas à mobiliser le potentiel politique fortement opposé au régime syrien abondant au nord-Liban ? Répondant à cette question, la thèse utilise la notion de John Dewey (1859-1952) d’un public politique, un collectif d’individus réunis dans l’action politique à travers la perception d'avoir des intérêts communs. La thèse commence en 1967 et s’arrête en 2011, avec une postface sur les dynamiques après 2011. Elle se divise en trois parties. La première analyse la vague de mobilisation à Tripoli entre 1967 et 1985. La deuxième partie étudie la déstructuration du sunnisme politique et l’essor du salafisme durant la Pax Syriana entre 1985 et 2005. La troisième partie se penche sur la tentative de Sa‘d Hariri de créer un public politique, ainsi sur que la compétition qu’ont représentée les salafistes à son leadership, après 2005. La thèse vise à montrer que le projet politique de Sa‘d Hariri était susceptible d’échouer, en raison de trois obstacles structurels. Premièrement, les obstacles bureaucratiques syriens ou la gouvernementalité syrienne du sunnisme à Tripoli. Deuxièmement, l’essoufflement du nationalisme arabe après le milieu des années 1980 et le fait que les leaders sunnites manquent souvent d’une cause militante, pour laquelle leurs partisans seraient disposés à risquer leur vie. Troisièmement, la présence du Salafisme comme un contre-public transnational et religieux. / After the assassination of Rafiq Hariri (14 February 2005) and the Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon (April 2005), Hariri’s son, Sa‘d, attempted to federate a national Sunni political public mobilised against Syria, Hizbullah, and Iran. The study argues that Hariri failed to mobilize the different components of Tripoli’s political field over time. Why were Hariri and Future not successful in mobilising the anti-Syrian potential in North Lebanon? Attempting to answer this question, the study uses the notion of a political public elaborated by John Dewey (1859-1952). A public is a collective of individuals united in political action through a perception of common interests. The dissertation begins in 1967 and ends in 2011, with a Post-Script on the dynamics after 2011. It is divided in three parts. The first analyses the local dynamics in Tripoli between 1967 and 1985. The second part dissects the decomposition of Tripoli’s political field and the rise of Salafism during the period of pax syriana in Tripoli (1985-2005). The third part investigates Hariri’s attempt to create a political public and the competition from Tripoli’s Salafis, after 2005. The main argument is that three types of obstacles made Hariri’s public very likely to fail. The first was the Syrian bureaucratic obstacles, in other words, Syrian prior governmentality of Sunnism in Tripoli in the 1976-2005 period. The second obstacle was Arab nationalism’s loss of impetus after the mid-1980s and the fact that Sunni leaders often lacked a militant cause, for which followers were willing to risk their lives. The third obstacle was the presence of Salafism as a transnational, religious counter-public. Liban Relations syro-libanaises Sunnisme Islamisme Lebanon Syrian-Lebanese relations Sunnism Islamism 320.956 92
6	The hissing sectarian snake : sectarianism and the making of state and nation in modern Iraq Osman, Khalil January 2012 (has links) This thesis addresses the relationship between sectarianism and state-making and nation-building in Iraq. It argues that sectarianism has been an enduring feature of the state-making trajectory in Iraq due to the failure of the modern nation-state to resolve inherent tensions between primordial sectarian identities and concepts of unified statehood and uniform citizenry. After a theoretical excursus that recasts the notion of primordial identity as a socially constructed reality, I set out to explain the persistence of primordial sectarian affiliations in Iraq since the establishment of the modern nation-state in 1921. Looking at the primordial past showed that Sunni-Shicite interactions before the modern nation-state cultivated repositories of divergent collective memories and shaped dynamics of inclusion and exclusion favorable to the Sunni Arabs following the creation of Iraq. Drawing on primary and secondary sources and field interviews, this study proceeds to trace the accentuation of primordial sectarian solidarities despite the adoption of homogenizing policies in a deeply divided society along ethno-sectarian lines. It found that the uneven sectarian composition of the ruling elites nurtured feelings of political exclusion among marginalized sectarian groups, the Shicites before 2003 and the Sunnis in the post-2003 period, which hardened sectarian identities. The injection of hegemonic communal discourses into the educational curriculum was found to have provoked masked forms of resistance that contributed to the sharpening of sectarian consciousness. Hegemonic communal narratives embedded in the curriculum not only undermined the homogenizing utility of education but also implicated education in the accentuation of primordial sectarian identities. The study also found that, by camouflaging anti-Shicite sectarianism, the anti-Persian streak in the nation-state’s Pan-Arab ideology undermined Iraq’s national integration project. It explains that the slide from a totalizing Pan-Arab ideology in the pre-2003 period toward the atomistic impulse of the federalist debate in the post-2003 period is symptomatic of the ghettoization of identity in Iraq. This investigation of the interaction between primordial sectarian attachments and the trajectory of the making of the Iraqi nation-state is ensconced in the project of expanding the range and scope of social scientific applications of the nation-building and primordialism lines of analysis. 320
7	Scholastic traditional minimalism : a critical analysis of Intra-Sunni sectarian polemics Islam, Tajul January 2015 (has links) This thesis is an analytical exploration of the influence of medieval theology on contemporary scholastic traditionalist polemics within Sunni Islam. Intra-Sunni sectarian polemics as an emerging area of study is relatively untouched as opposed to sectarian violence. A detailed mapping of the theological terrain from the genesis of Sunni ‘orthodoxy’ and the perennial tensions within the classical theological tradition and how they have manifested parochially into the contemporary scholastic traditionalist trends of the Barelwi, Deobandi, Ahl-i-Ḥadīth and Wahhābī within the backdrop of the Sufi-Salafi contestation of Sunni authenticity is timely. Concern regarding growing extremism prompted Muslim Ulama, academics and political leaders to create unity initiatives such as the Amman Message and the Sunni Pledge in dealing with this problem and also delineating ‘orthodoxy’. The theological basis for these neo-credos can be explained as doctrinal ‘minimalism’. Minimalism is a growing social construction of scholastic traditionalists through which the warring factions are attempting to salvage the historical continuity with ‘orthodoxy’ and placate Sunni infighting. The thesis aims to examine the theological veracity of the minimalism project and explore its doctrinal, methodological and ethical facets. Polemicism and excommunication is the current state of affairs within Sunni theological discourse. Minimalism is deemed as the antidote to this problem. 297.8
8	La rivalité entre les croyants d'Allah : l'Iran et l'Arabie saoudite Mira, Adam 12 1900 (has links) Cette recherche est de traiter la relation tendue et les interactions de différents niveaux entre l’Iran et l’Arabie saoudite. En effet, l’étude s’interroge sur les causes de cette liaison rigide depuis l’arrivée au pouvoir de Mollahs chiites en Iran en 1979, et les différentes perspectives de l’Islam mises en œuvre selon les deux États théocratiques. Ces deux puissances régionales et majeures dans le monde arabo-musulman essaient chacune à sa manière de propager son idéologie dans le monde islamique et même au-delà. Cependant, l’arrivée de Mohamed ben Salman en Arabie saoudite dont l’ascension politique, en tant que prince héritier, a mené à des offensives tous azimuts contre l’Iran, mais aussi contre certains alliés. In fine, dans les circonstances actuelles, il est difficile d’avoir une entente entre les deux pays. La confiance est absente et l’interprétation différente de la religion complique la relation entre l’Iran imamite et l’Arabie saoudite wahhabite. / This research is to address the strained relationship and interactions of different levels between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Indeed, the study questions the causes of this rigid bond since the Shiite Mullahs came to power in Iran in 1979, and the different perspectives of Islam being implemented by the two theocratic states. These two regional and major powers in the Arab-Muslim world are each trying in their own way to propagate their ideology in the Islamic world and even beyond. However, the arrival of Mohamed bin Salman in Saudi Arabia whose political rise as crown prince has led to all-out offensives against Iran, but also against certain allies. Ultimately, under the current circumstances, it is difficult to reach an understanding between the two countries. Confidence is lacking and the different interpretation of religion complicates the relationship between Imamate Iran and Wahhabi Saudi Arabia. Iran Arabie saoudite Khomeiny Wahhabisme Wilaya el-Faquih Conflit Chiisme Sunnisme Saudi Arabia Khomeini Wahhabism Conflict Shiism Sunnism
9	Islam et Chiisme politique / le cas du Liban Wehbe, Rabih 07 March 2018 (has links) Dans un essai qui aurait tout aussi bien pu s'intituler « L'islam chiite entre la politique et la religion, le cas du Liban », une analyse de l'islam politique demeure nécessaire pour mettre la lumière sur la différence entre islamisme et religion musulmane. Avec un peu moins de deux milliards de musulmans dans le monde, la religion musulmane est devenue la première religion pratiquée dans le monde actuel. Le dynamique de cette religion a permis la création d'un immense empire aux populations hétérogènes. Ainsi que, la coexistence entre religion et régime politique a provoquée de véritables luttes armées entre les grandes familles politico-religieuses, notamment le sunnisme et le chiisme. Le sunnisme ayant souvent l'étiquette d'orthodoxie a gardé cette aspect alors que le chiisme devint autres chose ce qu'il était à l'origine, lorsqu'on y voyait seulement le parti qui s'était rassemblé autour d'Ali ibn Abî Tâlib, cousin et gendre du prophète Mohammad. Dans ses quelques traitements de la doctrine islamique nous constatons que ces familles politico-religieuses, tant sunnites que chiites, proliférèrent les unes à côté des autres en même temps qu'elles se combattirent et souvent se condamnèrent réciproquement. Ceci est dû au fait qu'en l'islam, il n'y a jamais eu de pouvoir interprétatif qualifié, individuel ou collégial capable de s'imposer sans conteste.L'effondrement de l'Empire Ottoman donna l'occasion à la France et la Grande-Bretagne de partager le monde arabe sur la base des fameux accords Sykes-picot. La France va restructurer les territoires syrien et libanais, elle établit la structure constitutionnelle confessionnelle complexe du Liban, faisant du pays de Cèdre le plus grand laboratoire du communautarisme. Dans le Liban d'après-guerre, le communautarisme va de soi, il reflète l'état de la société et celle de la conciliation entre spécificités confessionnelle et principe fondamental de l'Etat nation. Le communautarisme libanais va évoluer à travers des mutations économiques, sociales et politiques, notamment chez la communauté chiite. Nous présenterons l'évolution de la communauté chiite dans cet environnement, ainsi que le rôle fondamental joué par Moussa el-Sadr dans la libération de la communauté chiite. Son objectif étant une réaction à la conscience politique du «Metwali». Sa première action était la lutte contre les inégalités sociales et devait s'engager avec l'Etat libanais dans une série d'affrontements qui couvraient souvent un aspect spectaculaire: grève générale en 1970, avertissement au gouvernement et à la réunion de 1974 à Baalbeck que Moussa-El -Sadr a annoncé la naissance du mouvement AMAL. Ce mouvement joue un rôle essentiel dans la vie politique libanaise. Enfin, nous consacrons une partie de ce travail à l'émergence d'une milice radicale pro-iranienne chiite, le Hezbollah, qui a pénétré le système politique libanais. Sa place est privilégiée à cause de ses succès dans la résistance contre Israël, de ses actions sociales et humaines et de ses organisations. La timide participation du « parti de Dieu » au parlement libanais constituait un premier pas vers la « libanisation » du parti. En 2012, le parti chiite annonce sa participation aux combats en Syrie à côté de l'armée de Bachar el-Assad, freinant ainsi le processus de libanisation. Le Hezbollah devient un des acteurs incontournables de la géopolitique du Moyen Orient et retourne en force sur la scène politique libanaise pour s'inscrire dans le cadre d'un chiisme politique international. / In an essay that might as well have been entitled "Shia Islam between politics and religion, the case of Lebanon", an analysis of political Islam remains necessary to shed light on the difference between Islamism and religion Muslim. With just under two billion Muslims in the world, the Muslim religion has become the first religion practiced in the world today.The dynamics of this religion allowed the creation of an immense empire with heterogeneous populations. As well as, the coexistence between religion and political regime provoked real armed struggles between the big politico-religious families, notably Sunnism and Shiism.Sunnism often had the label of orthodoxy, but Shiism became something else that it was originally when one saw only the party that had gathered around Ali ibn Abi. Tâlib, cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Mohammad. In his few treatments of Islamic doctrine we find that these politico-religious families, both Sunni and Shiite, proliferated alongside each other at the same time that they fought each other and often condemned each other. This is due to the fact that in Islam there has never been a qualified, individual or collegiate interpretative power capable of imposing itself unquestionably.The collapse of the Ottoman Empire gave France and Britain the opportunity to share the Arab world on the basis of the famous Sykes-picot agreements. France will restructure the Syrian and Lebanese territories, it establishes the complex confessional constitutional structure of Lebanon, making the country of Cedar the largest laboratory of communitarianism. In post-war Lebanon, communitarianism is self-evident, reflecting the state of society and the reconciliation of confessional specificities with the fundamental principle of the nation-state. Lebanese communitarianism will evolve through economic, social and political changes, especially among the Shia community.We will present the evolution of the Shiite community in this environment, as well as the fundamental role played by Moussa el-Sadr in the liberation of the Shia community. His goal is a reaction to the political conscience of "Metwali". Its first action was the fight against social inequalities and was to engage with the Lebanese State in a series of clashes that often covered a spectacular aspect: general strike in 1970, warning to the government and to the 1974 meeting in Baalbeck that Moussa-El -Sadr announced the birth of the AMAL movement. This movement plays a vital role in Lebanese politics. Finally, we devote part of this work to the emergence of a radical pro-Iranian Shiite militia, Hezbollah, which has penetrated the Lebanese political system. His place is privileged because of his successes in the resistance against Israel, his social and human actions and his organizations. The timid participation of the "party of God" in the Lebanese parliament was a first step towards the "libanization" of the party. In 2012, the Shiite party announced its participation in the fighting in Syria next to the army of Bashar al-Assad, thus curbing the process of Lebanization. Hezbollah becomes one of the key players in the geopolitics of the Middle East and returns in force on the Lebanese political scene to be part of an international political Shiism. Islam Chiisme Communautarisme Sunnisme Libanisation Environnement politico Mobilisation sociale Mobilisation politique Domination des tribus Hezbollah Fedayin Résistance islamique Résistance nationale Chiisme politique Takfiris Etat Islamique Printemps Arabe Conscience politique Libéralisation RIL-participation Révolution Chiisme international Ethnico-confessionnalisme Liban politico-religieux Islamism Communitarianism Sunnism Libanization Political environment Social mobilization Political mobilization Tribal domination Hezbollah Fedayin Islamic resistance National resistance Political Shiism Takfiris Islamic State Arab Spring Political consciousness Liberalization RIL-participation Revolution International Shiism Ethnico-confessional Lebanese-politico-religious society Civilization confessionnel 320.956
10	Les projets politiques et les fondements historiques de la communauté chiite au Bahreïn depuis l’indépendance 1971 / The political projects and the historical foundations of Shi’a in Bahrain since independence in 1971 Al shaikh, Aayat 12 May 2018 (has links) Le chiisme au Bahreïn est un phénomène sociopolitique complexe. A l’époque contemporaine, les projets politiques chiites transnationaux et nationaux ont connu une nouvel ascension. Les analyses politiques et médiatiques dominants réduisent souvent le chiisme dans le champ sociopolitique bahreïni aux projets politiques dominants en Iran, en Iraq, et au Liban, qui projettent le renforcement de leur pouvoir religieux et politique. Or, les chiites de Bahreïn sont souvent assimilés à des adeptes des politiques menées par les clercs influents outre le pays insulaire. Ils sont considérés comme des instruments de l’hégémonie des acteurs chiites. Ces grilles de lecture ne représentent qu’une approche réductrice et partielle du champ chiite. Certes, le chiisme bahreïni est influencé par les acteurs et les politiques régionales et transnationales, mais l’analyse de ses fondements et de son évolution démontre qu’il est spécifique à son contexte local. Le champ chiite local est façonné par des interactions sociopolitiques diverses, tels que des processus de socialisation politique, la transnationalisation, la pratique des rites particuliers, l’organisation des institutions, les relations avec l’Etat, etc. A l’époque contemporaine, les acteurs chiites bahreïnis sont influencés par des théories et des projets qui émanent de la sphère transnationale, cependant ils développent des projets sociopolitiques distincts. Dans ce contexte spécifique du Bahreïn, l’Etat même dominant, ne peut pas contrôler ses acteurs et leurs projets sociopolitiques, qu’ils soient transnationaux ou nationaux. / Shiism in Bahrain is a complicated socio-political phenomenon. The contemporary era is marked by a new rise of national and transnational shi’a political projects. Dominant political and media analysis consider shi’ism in the Bahraini context as a simplest extension of dominant political projects in Iran, Iraq, and in Lebanon.However, Bahraini shi’a are frequently assimilated to unconditional followers of influential non-Bahrainis clerics and their politics. In that framework, shi’a in Bahrain are considered as instruments of the shi’a actors’ hegemony. Those methods of interpretation appear superficial.Certainly, as we noted above, regional and transnational actors and politics affect the shiism in Bahrain, but the examination of its basis and its evolution demonstrate that it’s specific to the local schema. Various socio-political interactions shapes the local political sphere; such as political socialization processes,transnationalization, rites’ practicing, institutions’ organization's, relations avec the State, etc. In the contemporary period Bahrainis shi’a actors are indeed influenced by the theories and the projects stems from the transnational sphere, however, they develops their own and distinct socio-political projects. In this specific context, the State, even dominant, control neither these actors, nor their projects whether they are transnational or nationals. Achoura Akhbarisme Ahl al-bayt Ayatollah Chiisme Chiisme duodécimain Fatwa Fiqh Imam Ja ‘farite Madhab Maraj ‘ Marja ‘iyya Taqqiya Taqlid Umma Usûlisme Wahhabisme Sunnisme Sunnite Chiite Wilâya al-faqîh Waqf Projets politique Association politique Islam Parlement Élection Démocratie Institutions Institutionnalisation Démocratisation Politique Abolition Constitution Séparation de pouvoirs Conflit Confession Confessionalisation Etat Transnationnalisation Sphère Insurrection Groupuscule Militarisation Intifada Procession Fondements historiques Communauté Histoire Mémoire collective Laïcité Islamisation Clerc Réforme Parti Hawza Ashoura Akhbararism Ahl al bayt Ayatollah Chiism Fatwa Feqh Hawza Imam Ja ‘farit Madhab Maraj ‘ Marja ‘iyya Taqqiya Taqlid Umma Usulism Wahhabism Sunnism Sunni Shi 'a Wilaya al-faqih Waqf Political projects Political association Islam Parlement Election Democracy Institutions Institutionalization Democratisation Politics Abolition Constitution Separation of powers Conflict Confession Confessionalization State Transnationalization Sphere Insurrection Groupuscule Militarization Intifada Processions Historicals foundations Community History Collective memory Secularism Islamization Clerc Reform Party 956

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