Since the breakthrough of digitization, the political parties have moved from running a physical to an increasingly digital operation. Today, parties use digital platforms as a megaphone to listen and dialogue with their members. Digital capabilities have influenced who can participate in internal party activities in the digital era. At the same time, members face different conditions for using digital platforms based on socioeconomic background and age. This study examines whether there is a digital exclusion among the older members of the Swedish Green Party and the Christian Democrats, two parties that face different conditions in their use of digital technology. The study finds empirical evidence of digital exclusion within both parties. The cultural exclusion the study identifies prevents members from participating in the internal party debate. Members who find it difficult to communicate via the parties' digital platforms are particularly vulnerable. The study supports the theory that the individual must master the purely technical aspects of digital platforms and manage the ideas that come with digital technology to be actively engaged in party politics in the digital era.

Solidaritet med djur är en av hörnstenarna i Miljöpartiets gröna ideologi och partiet uppfattas ofta som mer djurvänligt än andra riksdagspartier. Den här uppsatsen analyserar hur partiets djursyn artikuleras utifrån tre diskurser: djurskydd, ekologism och djurrätt. Uppsatsen har också ett kritiskt djurrättsligt perspektiv och intresserar sig för vilka möjligheter och hinder för djurens frigörelse som finns i partiets djurpolitik. Slutsatsen är att djurskyddsdiskursen är dominerande i Miljöpartiet men att partiet problematiserar dagens djurskyddslagstiftning och vill se ett ”verkligt djurskydd”. Det finns också en tendens till att djurskyddsdiskursen i kombination med den ekologiska diskursen håller tillbaka djurrättsdiskursen som är i det närmaste osynlig. I en avslutande reflektion föreslås att djurrättsrörelsen ska bli tydligare i sin kritik mot Miljöpartiets och samtidens intresse för närproducerat, kravmärkt och ekologiskt kött, samt att ekologismens djursyn behöver utmanas i högre grad. / Animal solidarity constitutes one of the cornerstones of the Green Party's ideology, and the party is often perceived as more animal friendly than other parties in the Swedish parliament. This thesis analyzes how the Green Party's perspective on animals are articulated through three discourses: animal welfare, ecology, and animal rights. Furthermore, the thesis utilizes a critical perspective and tries to discern opportunities and obstacles for animal liberation within the party's animal politics. The conclusion is that the animal welfare discourse is the dominating perspective within the Green Party, but also that the party problematizes the current animal welfare in their strive for "real animal welfare". There is also a tendency for the animal welfare discourse, combined with the ecology discourse, to obscure the animal rights discourse, the latter being more or less invisible. In a final reflection it is suggested that the animal rights movement should be more explicit regarding its criticism against the Green Party's and the contemporary's interest in local produce, KRAV-labeling, and organic meat, as well as the need to challenge the animal views of ecology to a greater extent.

During much of the 20th century, the national party systems of Western Europe remained largely unchanged. However, beginning in the 1970s, these frozen party systems slowly started to melt. As the number of parties has increased, the question of what explains new party entrance has also attracted more scholarly interest. Despite this increased attention, the study of new political parties still suffers from a structuralist bias. The implication is that the fates of new parties are decided almost exclusively by external factors. Some scholars focus on the institutional environment; others emphasize sociological explanations, such as the formation of new cleavages in society. Yet such non-actor-centred perspectives risk being excessively deterministic. They also struggle to explain why some parties succeed in gaining entrance to legislatures while others, seemingly under the same external circumstances, fail. In this thesis, therefore, a new way to study parties and their path to parliament is proposed. Starting with the notion that external conditions alone cannot explain new party entrance, the thesis takes an agency-based perspective. Three sets of strategies are identified as being important means for a party to influence its chances of getting into parliament. They concern the party's resources, its political project and its external relations. In what ways can supply and management of resources, policies and relations with other parties affect the potential for becoming a parliamentary party? Through four in-depth case studies of new entrants into the Swedish national parliament, the Riksdag, the thesis concludes that there are some important commonalities in their paths to parliament. Especially with regard to their resources and their political project, the empirical evidence supports the initial premise: new party entrance is unthinkable without successful strategic behaviour.

During much of the 20th century, the national party systems of Western Europe remained largely unchanged. However, beginning in the 1970s, these frozen party systems slowly started to melt. As the number of parties has increased, the question of what explains new party entrance has also attracted more scholarly interest. Despite this increased attention, the study of new political parties still suffers from a structuralist bias. The implication is that the fates of new parties are decided almost exclusively by external factors. Some scholars focus on the institutional environment; others emphasize sociological explanations, such as the formation of new cleavages in society. Yet such non-actor-centred perspectives risk being excessively deterministic. They also struggle to explain why some parties succeed in gaining entrance to legislatures while others, seemingly under the same external circumstances, fail. In this thesis, therefore, a new way to study parties and their path to parliament is proposed. Starting with the notion that external conditions alone cannot explain new party entrance, the thesis takes an agency-based perspective. Three sets of strategies are identified as being important means for a party to influence its chances of getting into parliament. They concern the party's resources, its political project and its external relations. In what ways can supply and management of resources, policies and relations with other parties affect the potential for becoming a parliamentary party? Through four in-depth case studies of new entrants into the Swedish national parliament, the Riksdag, the thesis concludes that there are some important commonalities in their paths to parliament. Especially with regard to their resources and their political project, the empirical evidence supports the initial premise: new party entrance is unthinkable without successful strategic behaviour.

First chapters of the final thesis "are paid to brief introduction of the cleavages theory and the possibility of its use in partial system of Czech Republic. Following chapters analyze the origination and development of Green Parties in Western Europe, while greater attention is paid to history of Green Party in Czech Republic, its ideological and political alignment. The content analysis attempts to prove the cleavages theory of Czech Green Party after 2005 and compare it with cleavages of western European Green Parties. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Social media has changed political communication. Politicians social media posts, which are often prepared by their political marketers, fill content of traditional media. In this thesis the theoretical concepts of political communication on social media are presented. This thesis deals with how Strana zelených (Czech Greens) and Miljöpartiet de Gröna (Swedish Greens) communicate on social media, respectively it compares who and what is behind this communication on various political levels. It is demonstrated through thematic analysis, which is based on data from semi-structured interviews with administrators of selected social media profiles; through frequency analysis of types of posts on social media; and through quantitative analysis from the international project Online political communication strategies in 28 EU countries. The thesis describes the structures of the communication teams of both sides at different levels, and it describes the processes how the Facebook posts are created and who makes them. It also describes what communication strategies they use in interaction with Facebook users.

This thesis has analyzed the relationship between the punitive turn and the crime policies of the Green party (Miljöpartiet de Gröna) and the Sweden democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) to answer the research question; what influence the punitive turn has had on the parties policies. The choice of method has fallen on a quantitative content-analysis with a qualitative complementarity and qualitative facilitation. From an account of the punitive turn has a word-list with recording units been created, of those recording units has a computer-search been made of the two parties most recent official documents which accounts for the parties holistic politics; MP´s Partyprogramme from 2013, and SD´s Principleprogramme from 2011. The result of the qualitative complementarity shows; a greater frequency of recording units for MP than for SD. The analysis of the qualitative facilitation-result shows; a lesser direct influence of the punitive turn for MP than for SD. The result and analysis are discussed regarding whether the research question has been answered, and no such conclusion is considered to be made by the researcher, instead are the result and analysis open for interpretation of the reader.

Studiens syfte är att utforska hur Aftonbladet och Expressen gestaltade bostadsministern Mehmet Kaplan från den 14 april 2016 fram till 18 april 2016 då han avgick som minister. Syftet är också att se hur förändring av gestaltningen under dessa dagar ter sig. Slutligen kommer studien att jämföra de två tidningarna för att se om och hur de skiljer sig åt i sin gestaltning. De frågeställningar som studien utifrån detta syfte ämnar behandla är följande. -       Hur gestaltas Mehmet Kaplan mellan den 14- 18 april? -       Hur förändras gestaltningen under dessa dagar? -       Hur skiljer sig de olika tidningarnas gestaltning åt?   Metoden som tillämpas är en kvalitativ textanalys, som i praktiken innebär att ställa frågor till texten. Frågorna har byggts upp utifrån Strömbäcks och Entmans teori och definition av gestaltningens fyra grundläggande egenskaper. Vidare har resonemanget om den journalistiska dramaturgins grundläggande element och språkliga redskap inom sensationsjournalistik, använts som stöd i utformandet av analysfrågorna.   Analysmaterialet är hämtat från Retriever, begränsat på redaktionellt digitalt publicerade artiklar mellan datumen 14 - 18 april. Urvalet resulterade i 23 aktiva analysenheter för studien varav är 11 från Aftonbladet och 12 från Expressen.   Studiens resultat är att Mehmet Kaplan gestaltades från Aftonbladet och Expressens håll som otillgänglig, antisemitisk och islamistisk. Samtidigt vidhöll hans politiska kollegor utåt att Kaplan var humanist, demokrat och antirasist. Rapporteringen under de fyra aktuella dagarna var i olika skeenden. En upptrappning, följas av tystnad och sedan explodera i en enorm rapportering, fram tills att Kaplan avgått. Rapporteringen mellan de tidningarna skiljde sig åt, det förklaras i studien på grund av dess olika politiska ideologier. / The study aims to explore how Aftonbladet and Expressen portrayed Housing Minister Mehmet Kaplan from April 142016 until April 18, 2016 when he resigned as minister. The aim is also to see how the change in depiction during these days seems. Finally, the study will compare the two newspapers to see if and how they differ in their interpretation. The issues that the study on the basis that purpose intend to treat is the following. -How portrayed Mehmet Kaplan from 14-18 April? -How to change the design on these days? -How do the various newspaper design at? The method used is a qualitative text analysis, whichin practice means to put questions to the text. The questions have been built up on the basis Strömbäcks and Entmans theory and definition of Gestalt Association four basic characteristics. Furthermore, the reasoning of the journalistic dramaturgy basic elements and linguistic tools in sensational journalism, used to support the design of analytical questions. The analysis material is taken from the Retriever, bounded on digital editorial articles published between the dates of April 14 to 18. The selection resulted in 23 active units of analysis for the study of which 11 are from Aftonbladet and 12 from Expressen. The study's resultis that Mehmet Kaplan figure was from Aftonbladet and Expressen hold as unavailable, anti-Semitic and Islamist. At the sametime maintained his political colleagues out that Kaplan was a humanist, democrat and anti-racist. Reporting during the four days in question were in various stages. An escalation,followed by silence and then explode in a huge reporting, until the Kaplanresigned. The reporting of the newspapers differed, it is explained in the study because of its different political ideologies.

This diploma thesis deals with the so-called advocacy journalism, which is in the Czech media environment trying to explain on the example of a journalist, sociologist, former environmental activist and member of two political parties - ČSSD and Green Party - Jakub Patočka. The thesis puts journalism in context with other types of journalistic roles and the concept of journalism in liberal democratic societies. The research method of the work is an in-depth semi-structured interview, which examines primarily Patočka's perception of journalism and politics and their blending. The text focuses primarily on the period since 2003 when Patočka joined the Green Party until 2017, when the Brno Social Democrats decided to exclude him from the party. The work is divided into Patočka's journalistic and political career. Journalistic chapters are devoted to his work in the magazine Last (later Seven) generation, Literární noviny and Deník Referendum. One chapter describes his role in the so-called Kuřim case. In the section dedicated to Patočka's political engagement there are mentioned European Parliament elections 2004, in which Patočka stood as a leader of the Green Party, his attempt to reform the Green Party together with Jan Beránek or Patočka's expulsion from the ČSSD due to his organization of a...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Vitoria dos Santos.pdf: 847864 bytes, checksum: 45daf4d97f6c5f18f6d069002fdb2132 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-25 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / The objective of this research is to analyze the political process that led to the creation of the Partido Verde ("Green Party") in Brazil. We have investigated what are the mechanisms that mobilize people around collective issues, specifically what are the motivations that led part of the environmentalist movement to opt for the creation of the party PV (Partido Verde) as a mobilization strategy. The research will focus on the political process and the negotiations around the creation of the PV in the 80s. Although the Brazilian party Partido Verde is mentioned in studies about environmentalist movements, it has never been the topic of any specific study. The creation of PV was not a unanimous decision among the diverse environmentalist groups. For this reason, we have deemed paramount a comparative analysis between the groups in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in order to understand their particularities. Thus, this study identified the reasons why the majority of the movement had engaged in the party in Rio and not in São Paulo. We will begin with the approach of the theory of political process (Tarrow, 1994) in order to explain the phenomenon, specially the concepts of "structure of political opportunities" and "structures of mobilization". Two research procedures were used: information gathering from archives of newspapers and magazines at that time; and semi-directive interviews with the main founders of PV and with the movement activists who were against that strategy. The first hypothesis examined was the importance of the redemocratization process, for which the country was going through from the 70 s to the 80 s, to promote new social movements and their later institutionalization. Besides the analysis of the political context, we have noticed relevant differences in the paths taken by the environmentalist groups and militants in São Paulo and in Rio de Janeiro. Therefore, a second hypothesis was identified related to the importance of an analysis on the formation of environmentalist groups to determine their view on the strategy to institutionalize the movement though a political party. As a result of the investigation, we demonstrate that the structure of national and regional opportunities stimulated the group of former exiles from Rio de Janeiro to create the Partido Verde in Brazil. Furthermore, the political militancy path previously taken by this group has also shown to be a motivation to bring the issue of the "partyzation" into the environmentalist movement / O objetivo dessa pesquisa é analisar o processo político que levou à criação do Partido Verde no Brasil. Investigamos quais os mecanismos que fazem as pessoas se mobilizarem em torno de questões coletivas, no caso, quais as motivações que levaram parte do movimento ambientalista a optar pela fundação do PV como uma estratégia de mobilização. A pesquisa incidirá sobre o processo político e as negociações em torno da criação do PV, em meados da década de 80. Embora seja mencionado nos estudos sobre o movimento ambientalista, o Partido Verde brasileiro ainda não foi objeto de nenhum estudo específico. A criação do PV não foi uma unanimidade dentre os diversos grupos ambientalistas. Por isso, identificamos como fundamental uma análise comparada dos grupos cariocas e paulistas com o intuito de entender suas especificidades. Assim, este estudo identificou as razões pelas quais a maioria do movimento teria se engajado no partido no Rio e não em São Paulo. Partiremos da abordagem da teoria do processo político (Tarrow, 1994) para a explicação do fenômeno, especialmente dos conceitos de estrutura de oportunidades políticas e estruturas de mobilização . Dois procedimentos de pesquisa foram utilizados: coleta de informações em arquivos de jornais e revistas da época; e entrevistas semi-diretivas com os principais fundadores do PV e com ativistas do movimento contrários a essa estratégia. A primeira hipótese examinada foi a importância que teve o processo de redemocratização pelo qual passava o país desde os anos 70 até meados da década de 80, para impulsionar os novos movimentos sociais e sua posterior institucionalização. Além da análise do contexto político, percebemos diferenças relevantes nas trajetórias dos grupos ambientalistas e dos militantes em São Paulo e no Rio de Janeiro. Identificamos, assim, uma segunda hipótese que diz respeito à importância da análise da formação dos grupos ambientalistas para definir o seu posicionamento quanto à estratégia de institucionalizar o movimento através de um partido político. Como resultado da investigação, demonstramos que a estrutura de oportunidades nacionais e regionais impulsionou o grupo de ex-exilados cariocas a criarem o Partido Verde no Brasil. Assim como a trajetória de militância política anterior do grupo também mostrou-se um incentivo para trazer a questão da partidarização para dentro do movimento ambientalista