Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ermeli Damazo Viviani.pdf: 1048724 bytes, checksum: 2c0ecf2905ffb5653e4aa37ba508f1d9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present work aims to point at the existing relations between the rise of the post-modern condition, the development of a worldwide agenda for the environment, and hence the institutionalization of the environment issues. For the latter, we can point some processes such as: the realization of international summits, the creation of international organizations with the sole purpose of dealing with the environment, the commitment of national governments, and also the environment issue party-building process. Post-modernity represents, in its sense, the crisis of modernity, based on the Enlightenment values. The search for human emancipation, in accordance with the universal albeit restrained notion of progress and science resulted in extremely harmful consequence to the environment. The strengthening of the concept of postmodernity came as a result from the capitalistic systemic re-positioning (which took place during the flexible accumulation system, during the 1970s and forth that has resulted in many cultural changes), together with the crumbling of the soviet socialism and the so-called social fragmentation. The latter is represented by the multiplicity of social actors as legitimate vectors of political processes. Therefore, our main general hypothesis relates the condition of post-modernity as sponsor to environmental themes and crucial for the process of institutionalization and internationalization of the environmental agenda. Furthermore, the post-modernity condition has also rendered the worsening of the ecological problem, the fostering of new kinds of socio-political mobilization that brought the attention of the international community to the matter / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo maior apontar para as conexões existentes entre o advento da condição pós-moderna, o desenvolvimento das questões ambientais em âmbito internacional e a conseqüente institucionalização das questões ecológicas. Esta última, por sua vez, pode ser visualizada através de alguns processos, tais como: a realização de conferências internacionais, a criação de organismos dispostos a tratar especialmente sobre o tema, o comprometimento de governos nacionais, assim como o processo de partidarização do ecologismo. A pós-modernidade representa, em última instância, a crise da modernidade, pautada pelos ideais iluministas. O desejo pela busca da emancipação humana, baseado na concepção universal, porém restrita, de progresso e de ciência acabou por agravar incomensuravelmente a situação do meio ambiente. A consolidação do conceito de pósmodernidade passou a ser encarada como resultado da rearticulação sistêmica do capitalismo (assentada na implantação do sistema de acumulação flexível, a partir da década de 1970 - com sucessivas repercussões culturais), em conjugação com o desmantelamento do socialismo soviético e a intitulada fragmentação social. Esta última representada pela multiplicação dos atores sociais como interventores legítimos dos processos políticos. Portanto, nossa hipótese geral baseia-se na afirmação da condição pós-moderna como patrocinadora das questões ambientais, e fundamental para o processo de internacionalização e institucionalização do ambientalismo, na medida em que condicionou o agravamento dos problemas ecológicos e incentivou novas formas de mobilização sociopolítica, assim como a articulação da comunidade internacional em torno do assunto

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Vitoria dos Santos.pdf: 847864 bytes, checksum: 45daf4d97f6c5f18f6d069002fdb2132 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-25 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / The objective of this research is to analyze the political process that led to the creation of the Partido Verde ("Green Party") in Brazil. We have investigated what are the mechanisms that mobilize people around collective issues, specifically what are the motivations that led part of the environmentalist movement to opt for the creation of the party PV (Partido Verde) as a mobilization strategy. The research will focus on the political process and the negotiations around the creation of the PV in the 80s. Although the Brazilian party Partido Verde is mentioned in studies about environmentalist movements, it has never been the topic of any specific study. The creation of PV was not a unanimous decision among the diverse environmentalist groups. For this reason, we have deemed paramount a comparative analysis between the groups in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro in order to understand their particularities. Thus, this study identified the reasons why the majority of the movement had engaged in the party in Rio and not in São Paulo. We will begin with the approach of the theory of political process (Tarrow, 1994) in order to explain the phenomenon, specially the concepts of "structure of political opportunities" and "structures of mobilization". Two research procedures were used: information gathering from archives of newspapers and magazines at that time; and semi-directive interviews with the main founders of PV and with the movement activists who were against that strategy. The first hypothesis examined was the importance of the redemocratization process, for which the country was going through from the 70 s to the 80 s, to promote new social movements and their later institutionalization. Besides the analysis of the political context, we have noticed relevant differences in the paths taken by the environmentalist groups and militants in São Paulo and in Rio de Janeiro. Therefore, a second hypothesis was identified related to the importance of an analysis on the formation of environmentalist groups to determine their view on the strategy to institutionalize the movement though a political party. As a result of the investigation, we demonstrate that the structure of national and regional opportunities stimulated the group of former exiles from Rio de Janeiro to create the Partido Verde in Brazil. Furthermore, the political militancy path previously taken by this group has also shown to be a motivation to bring the issue of the "partyzation" into the environmentalist movement / O objetivo dessa pesquisa é analisar o processo político que levou à criação do Partido Verde no Brasil. Investigamos quais os mecanismos que fazem as pessoas se mobilizarem em torno de questões coletivas, no caso, quais as motivações que levaram parte do movimento ambientalista a optar pela fundação do PV como uma estratégia de mobilização. A pesquisa incidirá sobre o processo político e as negociações em torno da criação do PV, em meados da década de 80. Embora seja mencionado nos estudos sobre o movimento ambientalista, o Partido Verde brasileiro ainda não foi objeto de nenhum estudo específico. A criação do PV não foi uma unanimidade dentre os diversos grupos ambientalistas. Por isso, identificamos como fundamental uma análise comparada dos grupos cariocas e paulistas com o intuito de entender suas especificidades. Assim, este estudo identificou as razões pelas quais a maioria do movimento teria se engajado no partido no Rio e não em São Paulo. Partiremos da abordagem da teoria do processo político (Tarrow, 1994) para a explicação do fenômeno, especialmente dos conceitos de estrutura de oportunidades políticas e estruturas de mobilização . Dois procedimentos de pesquisa foram utilizados: coleta de informações em arquivos de jornais e revistas da época; e entrevistas semi-diretivas com os principais fundadores do PV e com ativistas do movimento contrários a essa estratégia. A primeira hipótese examinada foi a importância que teve o processo de redemocratização pelo qual passava o país desde os anos 70 até meados da década de 80, para impulsionar os novos movimentos sociais e sua posterior institucionalização. Além da análise do contexto político, percebemos diferenças relevantes nas trajetórias dos grupos ambientalistas e dos militantes em São Paulo e no Rio de Janeiro. Identificamos, assim, uma segunda hipótese que diz respeito à importância da análise da formação dos grupos ambientalistas para definir o seu posicionamento quanto à estratégia de institucionalizar o movimento através de um partido político. Como resultado da investigação, demonstramos que a estrutura de oportunidades nacionais e regionais impulsionou o grupo de ex-exilados cariocas a criarem o Partido Verde no Brasil. Assim como a trajetória de militância política anterior do grupo também mostrou-se um incentivo para trazer a questão da partidarização para dentro do movimento ambientalista

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ermeli Damazo Viviani.pdf: 1048724 bytes, checksum: 2c0ecf2905ffb5653e4aa37ba508f1d9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present work aims to point at the existing relations between the rise of the post-modern condition, the development of a worldwide agenda for the environment, and hence the institutionalization of the environment issues. For the latter, we can point some processes such as: the realization of international summits, the creation of international organizations with the sole purpose of dealing with the environment, the commitment of national governments, and also the environment issue party-building process. Post-modernity represents, in its sense, the crisis of modernity, based on the Enlightenment values. The search for human emancipation, in accordance with the universal albeit restrained notion of progress and science resulted in extremely harmful consequence to the environment. The strengthening of the concept of postmodernity came as a result from the capitalistic systemic re-positioning (which took place during the flexible accumulation system, during the 1970s and forth that has resulted in many cultural changes), together with the crumbling of the soviet socialism and the so-called social fragmentation. The latter is represented by the multiplicity of social actors as legitimate vectors of political processes. Therefore, our main general hypothesis relates the condition of post-modernity as sponsor to environmental themes and crucial for the process of institutionalization and internationalization of the environmental agenda. Furthermore, the post-modernity condition has also rendered the worsening of the ecological problem, the fostering of new kinds of socio-political mobilization that brought the attention of the international community to the matter / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo maior apontar para as conexões existentes entre o advento da condição pós-moderna, o desenvolvimento das questões ambientais em âmbito internacional e a conseqüente institucionalização das questões ecológicas. Esta última, por sua vez, pode ser visualizada através de alguns processos, tais como: a realização de conferências internacionais, a criação de organismos dispostos a tratar especialmente sobre o tema, o comprometimento de governos nacionais, assim como o processo de partidarização do ecologismo. A pós-modernidade representa, em última instância, a crise da modernidade, pautada pelos ideais iluministas. O desejo pela busca da emancipação humana, baseado na concepção universal, porém restrita, de progresso e de ciência acabou por agravar incomensuravelmente a situação do meio ambiente. A consolidação do conceito de pósmodernidade passou a ser encarada como resultado da rearticulação sistêmica do capitalismo (assentada na implantação do sistema de acumulação flexível, a partir da década de 1970 - com sucessivas repercussões culturais), em conjugação com o desmantelamento do socialismo soviético e a intitulada fragmentação social. Esta última representada pela multiplicação dos atores sociais como interventores legítimos dos processos políticos. Portanto, nossa hipótese geral baseia-se na afirmação da condição pós-moderna como patrocinadora das questões ambientais, e fundamental para o processo de internacionalização e institucionalização do ambientalismo, na medida em que condicionou o agravamento dos problemas ecológicos e incentivou novas formas de mobilização sociopolítica, assim como a articulação da comunidade internacional em torno do assunto

Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.

Problem definition and purpose: A debated question in journalism today is if the mass media have the power to affect norms and values in the society. There are therefore many who believe that the media must works for democratic and equitable news coverage. Studies have shown that there are still many differences in how women and men are being portrayed in the Swedish media, even if Sweden is one of the most equal countries in the world. This inequality may affect the democracy and equality in the society negative. Previous studies have mainly been using gender as the only explanatory factor to explain the difference of coverage between men and women in the news content. The purpose of this study will therefore not only be to compare the coverage of the Green Partys two spokespersons, Åsa Romson and Gustav Fridolin, from a gender perspective but also to take in count other factors that could contribute to differences in the news coverage. Method and material: To find an answer to the purpose of this thesis a quantitative content analysis have been done on a total of 238 news articles in which Åsa Romson and/or Gustav Fridolin occur. Main results: The results of the content analysis show that Gustav Fridolin occurs more frequently in the news than Romson does, and that the articles he appears in is lager than the articles in which Romson appears. The results also show that the tone towards Fridolin in the articles about him is more positive and less negative than the tone towards Romson in the articles about her. Our results also show that Fridolin mainly occur in content related to school and education while Romson occurs more frequently in content dealing with environmental questions.

Studies of why political parties in Sweden motivated their change of statements and policies during the refugee crisis in 2015 have been limited. I argue that it is relevant to question Swe- den’s traditional image as an open and generous country towards refugees. A change of policies took place within the traditional refugee friendly political parties in Sweden. Therefore, this thesis helps explain context for changes in the policies of the Green and Left parties during the refugee crisis 2015 in Sweden. It outlines the different policy outcomes between the Green and the Left parties and explains why two parties with initially similar positions concerning refugee issues became so markedly divided in a time of crisis. In this study, both quantitative and qual- itative methods involving content analysis and semi-structured interview techniques have been used in order to examine to what extent a change of reasoning led to different policy outcomes for the Left and Green parties. Interviews were used to gain deeper knowledge about each party’s approach towards refugees during Fall of 2015. Studies on Swedish refugee policies during the refugee crisis 2015 have either focused on 1) how refugees have been framed in news media and by politicians and 2) the socio-economic effects refugees have on Sweden because of badly managed integration policies. Less focus has been placed on how social economic reconstruction (proactive planning that allows groups from below to organize their resources) can become a powerful tool for political parties to provide solution-oriented refugee policies. Considering this unexplored area, this study analyses the Green and Left Parties’ refugee policies and how they developed during the refugee crisis by 2015. The research questions therefore relate to the change of policies of the Green and Left parties related to concepts such as solidarity and compassion for refugees and the need for greater restrictions on the number of refugees coming to Sweden through scarcity reduction and shifting budgets. The conclusion is that during the crisis, the concept of solidarity towards refugees was being tested and the debate mainly focused on quick solutions to the current crisis by restricting the number of asylum seekers through stricter laws. In contrast, policy discourse did not engage investments in solution-oriented policies with long run benefits, e.g. improving the efficiency of labor market policies to facilitate new arrivals’ labor market entry and social inclusion.

Práce se zabývá vývojem ekologického hnutí v Československu. Svoji pozornost zaměřuje především k vývoji ekologických iniciativ a ekologického diskurzu v době komunistické nesvobody a v době celospolečenských změn v listopadu 1989 do období rozpadu Občanského fóra v roce 1991. Nedílnou součástí je rovněž analýza vzniku a vývoje Strany zelených, která se stala předmětem scénářů a pokusů o provedení politických reforem v rámci komunistického režimu. Cílem práce je zjistit, jak téma ochrany přírody rezonovalo především v oblasti opozičních a režimních struktur a jaký osud jej následoval v období porevolučního vývoje následovaný otázkou, proč došlo k postupnému úpadku ekologického povědomí ve společnosti. Ke splnění cíle práce byla využita metoda orální historie, jež zprostředkovává pohledy oslovených narátorů - pamětníků problematiky úlohy ekologické karty. Tímto přístupem se snaží nahradit především chybějící archivní materiály. Formou obsahové analýzy a komparace se práce pokouší srovnávat procesy probíhající v západní Evropě s ekologickou tématikou v Československu. Práce se oborově nachází na pomezí historie, politologie, ale také sociologie, přičemž zdůrazňuje akcent historicko-politologický. Ze závěru práce vyplývá, že ekologická karta v rámci československé společnosti získala silnou tradici,...

Ausgangspunkt der Arbeit ist der Wandel des Pazifismus bei Bündnis 90/Die Grünen zwischen 1990 und 2000. Um diesen Wandel in Programmatik und Handeln der Partei zu erklären, werden drei Variablen bestimmt: Eine sich verändernde internationale Umwelt, die Konkurrenz demokratischer Parteien sowie innerparteiliche Faktoren. Systematische Aussagen zum Stellenwert des Pazifismus werden erreicht, indem dieser als Ideologie behandelt wird. Die Wirkungseffekte der Ideologie richten sich auf Wahrnehmung, Handlungsoptionen und „Kollektiv“ der Partei. Die Untersuchung von Präferenzen, Optionen und Alternativenwahl von Parteiakteuren erlaubt einerseits eine differenzierte Erklärung des Pazifismus im Kontext des außenpolitischen Handelns von Bündnis 90/Die Grünen. Außerdem liefert die Arbeit weiterführende Ergebnisse zum Stellenwert der institutionellen Identität sowie zu Identifizierungsprozessen außen- und sicherheitspolitischer Probleme. / The point of departure for this thesis is the change of pacifism within the political party “Bündnis 90/Die Grünen” between 1990 and 2000. In order to explain this change, which was manifested both in policies and the party´s conduct, three variables are assumed: changing international environments; the competion of democratic parties; and inner party factors. Systematic accounts are achieved by treating pacifism as an ideology which effects perception, policy options and the party´s “collective”. The analysis of party actors´ preferences, options and decision making permits a differenciated explanation of pacifism within the context of the party´s performance. Additionally, it offers results concerning the functioning of an institutional identity and concerning the identification of foreign and security policy issues.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation is inserted in thematic studies of political elites. The main objective of this work is to analyze the leaders of the Green Party (PV) in the State of Sergipe, trying to understand, through the analysis of their itineraries, as is the process of recruitment and selection of those who occupy a position of leadership within the party. The central question of the study was to capture the main features used by these leaders in order to allow them access to available positions in the party. It is, therefore, to examine how to combine different resources (social, cultural, professional, economic) regarding access and the rise to positions of leadership in that party. These objectives were achieved from a research agenda established in the "sociology of engagement" in which it was possible to develop a theoretical-methodological strategy that allowed the understanding of the relationship between the social, cultural and accumulated knowledge with access to positions of prominence in college. The methodological procedures adopted for the "construction" of this work were, in addition to data collected by the current literature, primary data collected through interviews with the group considered. The results indicate that we deal with a rather homogeneous as to social resources and professional. Its members, mostly provide the middle and upper classes, and the example of other party elites, professional categories most frequent traders and freelancers traditional (RODRIGUES, 2009). However, some elements also show that dealing with a very specific group devoid of militant and political capital which, to some extent, explains the "success" in a party without a lot of "force" in the Brazilian political system. As a result, the PV is set for a good portion of which are part of the group considered as an important space for socialization political activist. / A presente dissertação está inserida na temática sobre os estudos das elites políticas. O objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar os dirigentes do Partido Verde (PV) no Estado de Sergipe, buscando compreender, através da análise de seus itinerários, como ocorre o processo de recrutamento e seleção dos que ocupam algum posto de liderança dentro do partido. A questão central do trabalho consistiu em apreender os principais recursos utilizados por estes líderes, no sentido de lhes permitir o acesso aos postos disponíveis no partido. Trata--se, portanto, de examinar como se combinam diferentes recursos (sociais, culturais, profissionais, econômicos), no tocante ao acesso e à ascensão aos postos de liderança no referido partido. Esses objetivos foram alcançados a partir de uma agenda de pesquisa estabelecida na “sociologia do engajamento”, na qual foi possível desenvolver uma estratégia teórico-metodológica que permitiu a compreensão da relação entre recursos sociais, culturais e saberes acumulados com o acesso a cargos de destaque na agremiação. Os procedimentos metodológicos adotados para a “construção” deste trabalho foram, além dos dados coletados pela literatura corrente, dados primários colhidos através de entrevistas com o grupo considerado. Os resultados indicam que tratamos de um grupo bastante homogêneo quanto aos recursos sociais e profissionais. Seus integrantes, em sua maioria, provêm das classes média e alta e, à exemplo de outras elites partidárias, as categorias profissionais mais frequentes são os comerciantes e profissionais liberais tradicionais (RODRIGUES, 2009). Todavia, alguns elementos também demonstram que tratamos de um grupo bastante específico desprovido de capital militante e político, o que, em alguma medida, justifica o “sucesso” num partido sem muita “força” no sistema político brasileiro. Em função disso, o PV se configurou, para uma boa parte dos que fazem parte do grupo considerado, como um importante espaço de socialização político-militante.

Ireland is generally seen as one of the biggest supporters of the European Union. Irish public opinion researches have been showing long-term and extremely positive attitudes to the European integration. The pro-European consensus is also known among the local political parties. Moreover, at the end of the 20th century, a strong economic growth had started and the Ireland quickly became a model example of how positive impact the European integration may have on its Member states. European issues therefore did not attract too much attention in the local political discourse. This changed in the early 21st century, when the increasing public euroscepticism began observable. The thesis examines whether selected Irish political parties adapted their rhetoric and actions to ever more critical mood of voters. These are Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Green Party. The thesis covers three critical moments of the Irish European integration, namely the Nice Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty and the Irish debt crisis. It searches for negative comments about the EU and European integration of examined political parties in the campaigns before the referendum on European issues, as well as in their election statements to the Irish parliamentary elections, also taking place in the selected period. The aim of the thesis is...