Syftet med vår studie var att att se vilka diskurser som finns kring barnperspektivet bland socionomer verksamma inom barn- och ungdomsenheter. Genom att identifiera diskurser kring detta begrepp var även målet att kunna bidra med ny kunskap kring hur barnperspektivet kommer till utryck och tolkas av utredarna. Vi har använt oss av kvalitativa enkäter med öppna frågor. Enkäterna delades ut till socionomer verksamma inom barn- och ungdomsenheter i åtta kommuner i Sverige. Resultatet har sedan tagits fram med hjälp av diskursanalys. Den valda analysmetoden bygger på Laclau och Mouffes diskursteori. Vi har sedan vidare analyserat vårt resultat utifrån teorier om makt samt med hjälp av tidigare forskning. Vi har utifrån vårt material identifierat tre stycken nodalpunkter, kring vilka diskursen centreras. Detta har vi kunnat göra genom att vi samlat alla utsagor, brutit ner dessa och hittat gemensamma nämnare som i sin tur hjälpt oss att identifiera nodalpunkterna. De funna nodalpunkterna är barnet i fokus, barns perspektiv samt vuxnas ansvar för barns bästa. Nodalpunkterna visar tydligt på vad som anses vara viktigt och därmed hur utredarna talar kring barnperspektivet och dess innehåll. Vi har även sett att utredarna skiljer på begreppen barns bästa respektive barns vilja och att barns vilja ses som en del av barns bästa. De funna nodalpunkterna kan även säga något om både utredarnas syn samt arbete med barns bästa och barns vilja.

In this thesis I have concentrated on legal consciousness of children but not from their point of view, how it was in most cases of the elaboration of this topic, but from the point of view of people who actually work with children. This regards pedagogues, social workers, further school psychologists and psychologists. The theoretical part of the thesis deals with the right, legal consciousness, further then with the important conception ?child?, namely from the point of view of pedagogy, psychology as well as from the viewpoint of law. The thesis deals with morals itself and also its comparison with law, further with the value system and education, on important documents regarding the rights of children, educational program and its focus on the education of law in elementary and high schools. The important section of the theoretical part are also projects focused on increasing of the legal consciousness executed in the Czech republic as well as in the Southbohemian region. 144 respondents from the Southbohemian region took part in the research, either respondents who work in an elementary or high school, eventually in non-profit organizations which work with children. The difference of the opinions between pedagogues nad other workers was found out by the research. In contrast to other workers, the pedagogues think statistically more often that children have the legal consciousness. A very interesting moment is the age since which children should be acquinted with their rights. Other workers consider the beginning of the school attendance (or even the end of the preschool attendance) as the optimal age for familiarising the children with their rights in contrast to the pedagogues who would shift this limit almost to the second degrese of elementary schools. Next founded and documentary fact was the difference in methods used for familiarising children with their rights. The pedagogues combine discussions and lectures as well as model situations. Other workers prefer only lectures and discussions. They vary also in the evaluation of time dotation devoted to the rights of children during school education. Other workers are much more critical than the pedagogues in this regard. It was proved that the pedagogues more often do not know the organizations which deal with the rights of children whereas other workers do. The whole research is assumed into SWOT analysis which determined children´s interest in their rights and their familiarising with the right already since 1st class as the most strong sides. A weak spot showed to be the lack of time in school education devoted to children´s rights together with obtaining the biggest amount of information in the family. A chance is the realization of more new projects focused on concrete spheres of the rights and also the fact that the legal consciousness should be constantly increased. The risk is insufficient knowledge of rights in the sphere of the protection of personality when easy misuse and also insufficient knowledge of rights threaten. The insufficient knowledge could result in the increase of transgressions even criminality.

Even though many states have ratified the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and sworn to protect human rights, viloations occur every day both in developed and developing countries. United Nations gave Sweden critique for not implementing the Convention conrerning article 11, which raises the question how respected the Convention is amongst other states? Does democracy contribute to a higher level of implementation?

The thesis focused on how the advent of children's rights, in particular the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), has impacted on the subject of juvenile justice and embarked on a practical examination of law reform in this regard in an African context. The focus was placed on a number of African countries that have embarked on or completed child law reform in the aftermath of ratification of the CRC. The case studies in this thesis were Ghana (1998-2003), Kenya (1993-2001), Namibia (1994 to date), Lesotho (2003 to date), South Africa (1997 to date) and Uganda (1992-1996).

Syftet med denna studie är att söka svar på i vilken omfattning barn har getts möjlighet att uttrycka sin åsikt inom socialtjänstens förhandsbedömningar som inte har lett till utredning. Detta genom att mäta i vilken omfattning barnets närvaro har dokumenterats inom ramen för en förhandsbedömning som inte har lett till utredning. För att besvara studiens syfte användes utvalda variabler för att ta reda på om det finns eventuella omständigheter som kan ha påverkat om barnet har getts möjlighet att uttrycka sin åsikt. Barnets ställning inom socialtjänsten är stärkt på ett flertal vis och denna studie tar avstamp i vad socialtjänstlagen (SFS 2001:453), FN:s konvention om barnets rättigheter och Stockholms stads riktlinjer för socialtjänsten fastställer om barnets möjlighet till att uttrycka sin åsikt i ärenden som rör dess person.  Studien är en kvantitativ aktstudie och empirin består av 384 förhandsbedömningar som inte lett till utredning. Förhandsbedömningarna är genomförda av samma stadsdel inom Stockholms stad under 2013. Genom att se till dessa dokument gav det oss möjlighet att mäta i vilken omfattning barnets närvaro har dokumenterats i förhandsbedömningarna och på så vis getts möjlighet att uttrycka sin åsikt. Den huvudsakliga teoretiska utgångspunkt vi valt att använda är synen på barn som såväl subjekt som aktör i ärenden som rör dess person. Då studien avser att mäta en företeelse som sker utifrån en socialsekreterares aktiva val i om barnet tillåts att närvara under en förhandsbedömning tolkas resultatet även utifrån ett maktperspektiv.  Studiens resultat visar att barns möjlighet till att uttrycka sin åsikt är begränsad inom förhandsbedömningarna som inte lett till utredning. Då barnets närvaro endast dokumenterats i 20 procent av det undersökta materialet. I resterande förhandsbedömningar har socialtjänsten valt att inte låta barnet närvara och beslut har fattats utan att höra barnets åsikt.

La kafala, mesure de protection et de prise en charge d’enfants de filiation connue ou inconnue dans les pays musulmans qui interdisent l’adoption en raison d’un impératif religieux, a confronté le droit français à de sérieux défis tant d’un point de vue conceptuel que technique. Essentiellement pratiquée dans les pays du Maghreb, elle a été introduite en France dans le cadre du regroupement familial, d’abord, et dans celui de l’adoption internationale, ensuite. Mais, si le droit international privé français a depuis longtemps appris à gérer l’accueil d’institutions et de lois étrangères dans l’ordre interne, la kafala, a remis en lumière bon nombre de problématiques liées aux méthodes et objectifs poursuivis par la discipline. Précisément, elle a reposé avec acuité les interrogations en rapport avec la place des droits fondamentaux dans le conflit de lois, d’une part, et la politique de tolérance dans la réception d’institutions ou l’application de normes à fort référent religieux, d’autre part. Et c’est ce cadre qui a servi a délimiter les contours du travail mené sur la question. Ainsi, l’approche comparatiste a été privilégiée pour la partie consacrée à la compréhension et à l’étude du dispositif de la kafala dans deux pays témoins : l’Algérie et le Maroc, d’où proviennent la plupart des enfants recueillis. Après des éclairages historico-juridiques destinés à saisir les origines de cette institution et la conception de la famille qui prévaut dans les deux sociétés considérées, la démarche s’est poursuivie par l’inscription de l’objet d’étude dans le contexte qui l’a fait naître et fait évoluer avant de procéder à sa comparaison avec les institutions françaises proches. A cet effet, plusieurs matières ressources et leurs travaux respectifs ont été mobilisés. Le second volet du travail a porté sur la question pratique de la réception de la kafala par les juridictions françaises depuis les années 1990 qui a révélé des incohérences, des lacunes et des positionnements discutables. En particulier, la prise en compte de l’intérêt de l’enfant recueilli, lequel est souvent abandonné et de parents inconnus, prescrite par la Convention internationale des droits de l’enfant, a fait l’objet d’une évaluation insuffisante. Et, depuis la loi du 06 février 2001, la kafala ne pouvant valoir adoption, son effectivité actuellement en France demeure non seulement limitée mais aussi porteuse d’insécurité et de difficultés pour les parties concernées, nécessitant, par conséquent, une réforme urgente. / Muslim countries provide special protection and assistance towards children deprived of their family environment through what is called kafala because their family law, essentially based on sharia, forbids adoption. French international law, when faced with this unusual institution imported by the important North African population leaving in France, had to deal with many difficulties in terms of understanding the concept and its technical specifics. Kafala had been brought in France by two means: family reunification, firstly, and international adoption, secondly. But, despite having been used to admitting muslim familial institutions and laws in the past, French international law actually proved to be unsuitable when it comes to kafala. Indeed, the methods and the aims of the discipline are discussed, again, due to the question of fundamental human rights ignored in the conflict of laws and the enforcement of religious laws or the effectiveness of muslim institutions allowed (at least when it is in compliance with the “ordre public international”). All these elements have guided the work. Thus, the comparatist view has been favoured concerning the understanding and the study of the kafala in these countries: Algeria and Morocco, where most of the foster children come from. After analyzing historical and legal points aimed at understanding the origins of this institution and the notion of the family which dominates in both societies, we will tackle its birth and its evolution before comparing it to the French institutions for which many studies have been established. In the second point, the question of the acceptance of the kafala by the French jurisdictions since the 1990s is raised. It has highlighted inconsistencies, flaws and questionable decisions especially the care of the foster child (often abandoned and from unknown parents) which has been insufficiently taken into account even if recommended by the International Convention on the Rights of the Child. And since the law of February 6th 2001, the kafala cannot be passed , its effectiveness nowadays in France is still limited but also brings insecurity and difficulties to the foster children which, consequently, requires an urgent reform.

Apresenta pesquisa centrada no seguinte problema: em que medida a política de educação integral em construção na Zona Oeste do município de São Paulo contribui para as oportunidades de exercício do direito de brincar das crianças atendidas? As condições ou requisitos estipulados para favorecimento das oportunidades de brincar foram: minimizar constrangimentos relativos ao atendimento escolar à infância e favorecer o acesso das crianças ao convívio em espaços informais e não controlados. A hipótese priorizada na investigação foi a de que esta política está contribuindo para com o aumento das oportunidades de brincar das crianças. Dentre as obras utilizadas para situar a abordagem, destacam-se as contribuições da sociologia da infância e os mais recentes aportes à análise de programas de educação integral no Brasil. A política educacional analisada conta com quatro diferentes instâncias: o programa Mais Educação do Ministério da Educação; os programas Mais Educação São Paulo e São Paulo Integral, ambos da Secretaria Municipal de Educação de São Paulo; e a proposta da Diretoria Regional de Educação Butantã intitulada Educação integral para uma São Paulo educadora. O foco do trabalho foi a verificação da proposta conceitual e operacional das políticas em questão, suas eventuais iniciativas que indicassem contribuir para a minimização daqueles constrangimentos e sua repercussão em quatro escolas selecionadas segundo critérios previamente estabelecidos. Os procedimentos de coleta de informações foram entrevistas semiestruturadas com ocupantes de funções técnicas e autoridades da Diretoria de Educação e de órgãos superiores da Secretaria e com equipes escolares, além de imersões no cotidiano daquelas escolas na perspectiva do pesquisador conversador proposta por Spink. Pretendeu-se a identificar os pontos de vista diferentes atores presentes, inclusive as crianças. A pesquisa conclui que aquela política de educação integral tem contribuído para aumentar as oportunidades de brincar das crianças atendidas, ainda que em poucos aspectos e de forma tímida. / The present article provides a research focused on the following issue: to what extent shall the drawn up integral education policy held in western zone of São Paulo contribute to the attending children exercise the right of playing opportunities? The laid down conditions or requirements to promote playing opportunities were: to reduce early childhood schooling constraints and to facilitate childrens access to non-controlled and informal interacting areas. The prioritized research hypothesis is that this policy contributes to increase the childrens opportunities with regards to exercising the right of playing. In order to place the approach, several pieces of work were used, among which stand out the contribution of childhood sociology and the latest inputs in Brazils integral education programs analysis. The analyzed educational policy takes place in four different instances: the More Education Program, by the Ministry of Education; More Education São Paulo and Integral São Paulo Programs, by the Municipal Secretariat of Education of São Paulo; and Butantãs Regional Board of Education, entitled Integral Education for an Educational São Paulo. The study aimed at verifying the conceptual and operational proposal of the policies in question, their potential measures that would indicate a contribution on those constraints decrease and its impact on four schools selected based on pre-defined criteria. The data collection procedures were semistructured interviews with technicians and Board of Education and Secretariat Governing Bodies authorities and with school groups, besides an everyday living experience within those schools on the conservative researcher perspective proposed by Spink. The study intended to identify different existing actors points of view, including the children. The research draws the conclusion that the mentioned integral education policy has been contributing to increase the attending childrens playing opportunities, even though in a few aspects and in a slightly way.

<p>The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) was ratified by Sweden in 1990. Among its principles is devotion to the best interests of the child (article 3). This principle is hard to define, and it is difficult to find studies on how children express themselves about how the convention should be realized. The Swedish government wants local councils to introduce routines that follow the proposed rights. The Swedish school system is an important arena where UNCRC’s rights can be put into practice. This study’s purpose is to discover how the Swedish upper secondary schools follow article 3, using pupils’ description of what is best for them as a starting point. Two pupil focus-group interviews have been used to obtain this description, and the pupils views were divided into four main themes: Security, Reception, Studies and development and Influence. These were converted into questionniares for two schools. The result was analyzed using empowerment and SOC (sense of coherence) as theoretical perspectives. Some answers differed between the schools as to how the principle of article 3 is fulfilled. The majority of the pupils are happy with their schools, in spite of difficulties with structural conditions and that life at school isn’t always on the pupils’ conditions.</p>

<p>The Swedish rules for marrying in Sweden are different for swedish citizens and foreigners. A swedish citizen has to have permission from"Länsstyrelsen"to marry before the age of 18 but a foreigner may marry without permission at an age of 15, unless a higher age is required by the foreign law. The main question in this essay is if the swedish international law concerning the age of marriage is compatible with the Convention on the Rights of the Child and/or the Swedish Constitution. The comparison is based on mainly two questions: Primarily the Swedish international law is discussed concerning which marrying age is good for the child. Thereafter it is discussed whether it is discriminating to have different marrying ages for swedish and foreign citizens. The result is that 18 years is a suitable age for marrying after a comparison with other Swedish laws and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Different age limits for swedish and foreign citizens could not be considered to be discriminating according to the Swedish Constitution, but on the other hand it is discriminating according to the Convention on the Rights of the Child.</p>

The Swedish rules for marrying in Sweden are different for swedish citizens and foreigners. A swedish citizen has to have permission from"Länsstyrelsen"to marry before the age of 18 but a foreigner may marry without permission at an age of 15, unless a higher age is required by the foreign law. The main question in this essay is if the swedish international law concerning the age of marriage is compatible with the Convention on the Rights of the Child and/or the Swedish Constitution. The comparison is based on mainly two questions: Primarily the Swedish international law is discussed concerning which marrying age is good for the child. Thereafter it is discussed whether it is discriminating to have different marrying ages for swedish and foreign citizens. The result is that 18 years is a suitable age for marrying after a comparison with other Swedish laws and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Different age limits for swedish and foreign citizens could not be considered to be discriminating according to the Swedish Constitution, but on the other hand it is discriminating according to the Convention on the Rights of the Child.