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Cette thèse s'intéresse au lien qui existe entre le système électoral et deux comportements importants de la vie civique, soit la participation à une élection et la désertion stratégique du candidat préféré vers un autre candidat. Ces thèmes sont abordés dans de nombreux et de très importants ouvrages en science politique. En passant par la théorie (Downs, 1957) jusqu'à des études de terrain par l'entremise de sondages (Abramson, 2010; Blais, 2010), diverses méthodologies ont été employées pour mieux expliquer les choix des électeurs. Ma contribution à l'avancement des connaissances dans ce domaine passe par l'usage de la méthode expérimentale pour mieux saisir les similitudes et différences dans les comportements des électeurs sous le système uninominal à un tour (UT) et la représentation proportionnelle (RP) ainsi que les mécanismes au niveau individuel qui produisent ces similitudes et différences. Le cœur de la thèse est composé des trois articles dont voici les résumés : Article 1. Des élections expérimentales faites à Montréal, Paris et Bruxelles permettent d'estimer l’influence directe du mode de scrutin sur la décision des électeurs de voter ou non, et de voter pour leur parti préféré ou non. En tout, 16 groupes de 21 électeurs votent sous différents systèmes électoraux, soit le UT et la RP. Les préférences sont attribuées aléatoirement et connues de tous les participants. Nos résultats indiquent que le vote n'est pas globalement plus sincère et que la participation électorale n'est pas plus élevée sous le système proportionnel. Toutefois, nous observons moins de désertion d'un petit parti sous le système proportionnel. Article 2. Les expériences permettent également d'expliquer pourquoi les électeurs votent parfois pour un parti autre que leur parti préféré. La conclusion principale est que la décision de voter de façon sincère ou non est influencée par les préférences individuelles, mais aussi par les perceptions des chances de gagner des candidats ainsi que des chances que son propre vote puisse décider le résultat de l'élection. Les électeurs qui désertent leur premier choix prennent en considération quel candidat est le plus près de leurs positions politiques, mais également de la viabilité de cette alternative. De plus, les électeurs qui aiment prendre des risques ont davantage tendance à déserter. Article 3. Le modèle de l'électeur pivot est mis à l'épreuve pour mieux comprendre la décision de voter ou non lors d'une élection. Nos expériences permettent de répliquer, avec un devis expérimental différent, les résultats importants des travaux de Duffy et Tavits (2008). Nos résultats confirment que la perception d'être pivot augmente la participation, que ces perceptions sont sujettes à la surestimation et que cette surestimation ne décline pas complètement dans le temps. Nous allons également plus loin que les recherches de Duffy et Tavits et nous trouvons que la participation n'est pas plus forte sous RP que sous UT et que la probabilité d'être pivot a un impact plus important chez les électeurs évitant de prendre des risques. / This thesis focuses on the relationship between the electoral system and two important behaviors of civic life: participation in an election and the strategic desertion of the preferred candidate. These topics are addressed in very important books in political science. From theory (Duverger, 1954; Downs, 1957) to empirical research using surveys (Abramson, 2010; Blais, 2010), various methodologies have been used to better explain voter's choices. My contribution to knowledge is the use of experimental methods to better understand both similarities and differences in voter behavior under the plurality system (PLU) and the proportional representation (PR) system and the individual level mechanisms that produce these similarities and differences. The core of the thesis consists of three articles summarized below: Article 1. Experimental elections conducted in Montreal, Paris and Brussels estimate the direct influence of the voting system on the voters' decision whether to vote or not, and vote for their preferred party or another party. In all, 16 groups of 21 voters take part in elections under different electoral systems. The systems are simple plurality and proportional representation. Preferences are randomly assigned and known by all participants. Our results indicate that voting is globally not more sincere and that voter turnout is not higher under the proportional system. However, we observe less desertion of small parties under the proportional system. Article 2. We perform a laboratory experiment to explain why voters sometimes vote for a party other than the preferred one. The main conclusion of the paper is that in addition to voter preferences, perceptions of winning chances and belief in the possibility of affecting the outcome are key factors in the voter’s decision to vote sincerely or not. When they desert their first choice, voters consider their preferences and the viability of the alternatives. Voters who like to take risks are more prone to desert. Article 3. This paper examines the decision to vote or not in experimental elections. We replicate the important findings of Duffy and Tavits (2008) with a different design. Our results support their finding, that is, turnout is affected by the belief that one's vote counts and overestimation of the probability that one's vote counts does not decrease completely over time. Going beyond previous research, we also find that turnout is not higher under a proportional system than under a plurality system, and beliefs about being in a pivotal disposition have a greater impact on turnout among the risk averse.

This thesis focuses on the impact of negative political advertising on voters in the Czech Republic. Evaluation and perception of negative political advertising, information effect, impact on the assessment and perception of political subjects and impact on voter turnout are examined specifically. To test proposed hypothesis, data from a survey and from a time and content analysis of political ads in the selected daily newspaper are used.

States merge local governments to achieve economies of scale. Little is known to which extent mergers of county-sized local governments reduce expenditures, and influence political outcomes. I use the synthetic control method to identify the effect of mergers of large local governments in Germany (districts) on public expenditures. In 2008, the German state of Saxony reduced the number of districts from 22 to 10. Average district population increased substantially from 113,000 to 290,000 inhabitants. I construct a synthetic counterfactual from states that did not merge districts for years. The results do neither show reductions in total expenditures, nor in expenditures for administration, education, and social care. There seems to be no scale effects in jurisdictions of more than 100,000 inhabitants. By contrast, I find evidence that mergers decreased the number of candidates and voter turnout in district elections while vote shares for populist right-wing parties increased.

The right to vote is one of the fundamental rights of citizens in democratic countries. In the United States, however, this action is preceded by the obligation to register. Election registrations are still seen as a limiting element of electoral law. The aim of this work is to find out how the registration was influenced in the past and what influenced the number of registered citizens and voter participation in the presidential elections in 2016. The first part deals with federal electoral registration reforms and looks at the current situation. The second part consists of a research in which the relationship determination is utilized by the Pearson correlation coefficient. The work concludes that the ratio of registered age to eligible voters has not increased, although the demographic curve continues to rise. In the case of factors that may affect the number of registered, the direct relationship has not been established. On the contrary, a direct correlation has been shown in the case of the same factors with the turnout in the presidential election.

I början av 2020 drabbar covid-19-pandemin världens befolkning. Den livsfarliga smittan sprids snabbt världen över och forskare och läkemedelsbolag börjar arbeta intensivt för att utveckla ett vaccin som kan stoppa sjukdomens framfart. Knappt ett år senare godkänns världens första vaccin mot covid-19 och massvaccinering inleds. Världens politiker, forskare, epidemiologer och läkare påtalar otaliga gånger att vaccinet är lösningen på pandemin och vikten av att alla som kan ska tacka ja till erbjudandet om att vaccinera sig. Vaccinationsviljan världen över är generellt sett god, men det är också många människor som väljer att inte ta vaccinet och vaccinationsgraden varierar på internationell-, nationell- och lokal nivå. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka om det finns lokala förhållanden som påverkar vacci­nat­ions­graden mot covid-19 i Sveriges kommuner under pandemin och om kommunernas verkliga vacci­nationsgrad avviker från vad som kan förväntas utifrån de lokala förhållandena. Baserat på tidigare studier och teori skapas och testas hypoteser genom att använda linjär regression för att skapa modeller som beskriver förväntad vaccinationsgrad. Studien undersöker sambandet mellan vaccinat­ions­grad och variabler som beskriver könsfördelningen i kommunerna, andel utrikesfödda, befolk­ningens ålder, utbildnings-, inkomst-, och hälsonivå, andel arbetslöshet, valdeltagande och befolk­ningens partisym­pa­tier.  De viktigaste resultaten är att faktorerna andel kvinnor, utrikesfödda, arbetslöshet och hälsonivå korre­lerar negativt med vaccinationsgrad, och faktorerna ålder, utbildningsnivå och valdeltagande korrelerar positivt. I univariat analys förklarar variabeln utrikesfödda 78 procent av skillnaden i vaccinationsgrad mellan kommunerna och valdeltagande förklarar 57 procent av skillnaden. Resultatet i riksdagsvalet 2018 på kommunnivå kan delvis förklara skillnaden i vaccinationsgrad mellan Sveriges kommuner. Utmärkande vid undersökningen av befolkningens partisympatier är att univariat analys med Center­partiet som oberoende variabel enskilt förklarar över 20 procent av skillnaden i vaccinationsgrad.  Baserat på regressionsmodeller beräknas varje kommuns förväntade vaccinationsgrad, vilken jämförs med den verkliga vaccinationsgraden. Haparanda och Ljungby kommun avviker mest positivt respek­tive negativt från sitt förväntade värde (+10,42 procent och -6,10 procent). En möjlig förklaring till kommunernas stora avvikelser är deras geografiska läge och dess påverkan på befolkningens behov av att resa till utlandet. Alla kommuner i Uppsala län har en högre vaccinationsgrad än förväntat, medan alla kommuner i Blekinge län har en lägre vaccinationsgrad än förväntat. En möjlig förklaring är att det beror på länens olika vaccinationsstrategier. / In early 2020, the covid-19 pandemic hit the world. The deadly infection spread rapidly, and researchers and pharmaceutical companies worked intensively to develop a vaccine which could stop the progres­sion of the disease. Barely a year later, the world’s first vaccine against covid-19 is approved and mass vaccination begins. The world’s politicians, researchers, epidemiologists, and medical personnel point out countless times that the vaccine is the solution to the pandemic and the importance of getting vac­cinated. In general, the willingness to get vaccinated is high, but there are also many people who choose not to take the vaccine and the degree of vaccination varies at international, national, and local level. This study aims to investigate whether local conditions affect the vaccination rate against covid-19 in Swedish municipalities during the pandemic, and whether municipalities’ actual vaccination rate devi­ates from what can be expected based on these local conditions. Based on previous studies and theory, hypotheses are created and tested by using linear regression to create models that describe the expected degree of vaccination. The study examines the relationship between vaccination rate and variables that describe gender distribution in the municipalities, proportion of foreign-born, age of population, level of education, income and health, proportion of unemployment, turnout, and the population’s party sym­pathies. The main findings are that the factors proportion of women, foreign-born, unemployment and health level negatively correlate with vaccination rate, and the factors age, level of education and turnout cor­relate positively. In univariate analysis, the variable foreign-born explains 78 percent of the differ­ence in vaccination rate among the municipalities, and turnout explains 57 percent of the difference. The result of the 2018 parliamentary elections at municipal level can partly explain the difference in vac­cination rate between Sweden’s municipalities. Notable when examining the population’s party sym­pathies is that univariate analysis with Centerpartiet as an independent variable individually explains over 20 percent of the difference in vaccination rate. Each municipality’s expected vaccination rate is calculated and compared to the actual vaccination rate based on regression models. The municipalities of Haparanda and Ljungby deviate most from their expected value (+10.42 percent and -6.10 percent). A possible explanation for the municipalities’ large deviations is their geographical location and its impact on the population’s need to travel abroad. All municipalities of Uppsala County have a higher vaccination rate than expected, while all municipalities of Blekinge County have a lower vaccination rate than expected. One possible explanation is that it depends on the counties’ different vaccination strategies.

This study discusses voting behavior of the citizens in The Czech republic. Traditional studies of voting behavior differentiate between voters and nonvoters according to their turnout in one election. This thesis takes up multielection approach and differentiates three categories of voting behavior- voters, nonvoters and irregular voters. Specific features of voters, nonvoters and irregular voters are identified using logistic regression analysis. Theoretically, the study is based on socioeconomic, motivational and mobilization theories of turnout. The focus is put on the decision making of irregular voters. Circumstances tied with irregular voters' turnout are identified. The discussion on methodological problems connected with multi-election approach and research of electoral behavior generally is part of the thesis. The Czech election study 2010 is a main source of the data for analysis.

203 12 Dissertation Summary Dissertation title: Democracy in the Lack of Interest: the Effects of Remote Internet Voting Implementation in the Electoral Process of Selected Countries Name and Surname: Karel Sál Field of Study: Political Science Place of Work: Institute of Political Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University in Prague Dissertation Supervisor: PhDr. Petr Jüptner, Ph.D. No. of Pages: 203 No. of Appendixes: 30 Year of Defense: 2016 Keywords: internet voting; remote internet voting; electoral turnout; crisis of democracy; theory of participation; rational choice theory; Estonia; Switzerland; France; Norway; Spain. Abstract: The dissertation thesis named Democracy in the Lack of Interest: the Effects of Remote Internet Voting Implementation in the Electoral Process of Selected States reflects the phenomenon of the last decade - incorporation of new media into the political process. Internet voting is one of the discussed and suggested solutions of the so-called crisis of democracy, which could possibly stop the negative trend of diminishing voter turnout in advanced western democracies. The entire academic debate can be summarized into one question: It is possible, that the way of ballot casting can affect the voter turnout in that scale, that we can recognize a significant-positive...

In this thesis I explore a novel context sensitive conceptualisation of civic duty according to which the conduct (or misconduct) of elected officials affects whether eligible voters feel either a duty to vote (DTV) or a duty to abstain (DTA). Specifically, I argue that under conditions of corruption the norm of electoral accountability may override peoples’ sense of DTV in which case they instead feel a DTA. This context sensitive account is contrasted with a Kantian account of civic duty according to which eligible voters feel a duty to always vote, regardless of contextual factors. The empirical results provides tentative support for the claim that corruption not only decreases eligible voters’ sense of DTV but also increases their sense of DTA. This thesis thus contributes not only to the advancement of the conceptualisation of civic duty in relation to voter turnout, but its results also has important implications for how the rational choice perspective approaches the cost/benefit analysis commonly associated with the voting decision. In the latter case these results indicate that abstainers too may act out of duty and can therefore be assumed to gain positive utility from their abstention. However, the possibility that abstention (just as voting) yields unique costs and benefits has to my knowledge never been acknowledged in the rational choice literature on voter turnout. I therefore conclude by presenting a novel suggestion of how the potential costs and benefits of abstention can be incorporated into the calculus of voting.