Qu'il s'agisse d'Hérodote, Thucydide ou Strabon, de nombreux auteurs anciens se sont accordés sur la richesse proverbiale de Samos. La richesse et la prospérité de Samos, notamment du temps du tyran Polycrate, s'imposent comme un topos de l'historiographie ancienne. Une fois cette tradition transmise jusqu'à nous, on a cru pouvoir ou devoir affranchir la mention de l'épanouissement économique samien des précisions nécessaires pour en comprendre l'origine, la nature, les modalités ou encore les limites. En effet, pourquoi chercher à préciser ce qui de toute manière fait consensus chez les Anciens et ce dont l'Héraion est le témoin le plus emblématique ? Ce travail de recherche propose non plus l'illustration de la prospérité économique samienne, mais l'examen des données permettant de dresser un profil de l'économie samienne aux Vie et Ve siècles a.C. Entre les tyrannies samiennes du Vie siècle et la domination athénienne du Ve siècle, cette période semble particulièrement propice à l'examen des changements intervenant dans la vie économique samienne. Ce projet vise à rassembler les informations (littéraires, archéologiques, épigraphiques et numismatiques) pour faire une histoire des économies samiennes. Dans la lignée des travaux de la Nouvelle Économie Institutionnelle (NEI), ce travail propose de placer le groupe samien et ses choix institutionnels au coeur de l'étude. Comment les Samiens entendent-ils gérer la rareté et l'incertitude ? Quelles stratégies mettent-ils en oeuvre ? Quels modes d'organisation économique connaissent-ils ? En particulier, cette thèse traite de la question foncière à Samos, des processus par lesquels les Samiens réussissent à intégrer différents réseaux d'échanges et enfin des différents modes de coordination qui règlent la vie économique samienne aux Vle et Ve siècles a.C. / In the manner of Herodotus, Thucydides and Strabon, a lot of ancient authors stress the amazing wealth of Samos in antiquity. The wealth and prosperity of Samos, especially during the tyrant Polycrates' period, became by the way one topos of the ancient historiography. Once this tradition reaching us, one thought that it was not necessary to explain the origine, nature, conditions or limits of the economic flourishing of the Samians behind that topos. Indeed, why should we try to specify what formed anyway a consensus for the Ancients and whose Heraion was the most emblematic witness ? This work of research aims, no more the illustration of the samian economic prosperity, but a discussion of the data available to reach a more accurate view of it during the Vlth and Vth centuries B.C. This period, between samian tyrannies of the VIth century and the athenian domination of the Vth century, seems opportune to examine the economic changes occuring in the economic life of Samos. This project consists in the gathering and discussing of the most pertinent available informations (literary, archaeological, epigraphical and numismatical) to make a history of samian economies. Following the highly stimulating works of the New Institutions Economics (NIE), this project proposes to focus the study on the samian group and its institutionnal choices and options. How do the Samians deal with the scarcity of goods ? What kind of strategies do they enforce ? What economic ways do they know ? Particularly, this thesis is dealing with the land-question at Samos, then, with the ways by which the Samians succeed in integrating differents networks of exchange and, finally, what types of coordination regulate the samian economic life in the Vlth and Vth centuries.

The popular image of Richard III remains, even today, deeply indebted to Shakespeare's portrayal; however, the century following the publication of Shakespeare's play in 1597 witnessed a fresh and vibrant re-evaluation of this character in a diverse range of texts from poems and history works to pamphlets. While many authors still perpetuated the negative Tudor image, original writings challenged this ingrained view and resulted in a more nuanced assessment of Richard III than the one pervading the sixteenth century. The present thesis investigates a range of seventeenth-century texts about Richard III which shed new light on the reception of Shakespeare's play, bring unique testimony to the contemporary understanding of tyranny, and capture specific social and political anxieties of the period: the end of the Tudor dynasty, the conflict between the Crown and Parliament culminating in the Civil Wars, and the execution of Charles I. These texts offer a fuller picture of the contemporary literary-political climate, while illuminating the role of historical memory in forming national consciousness, including the forging and dismantling of myths. The thesis analyses seventeenth-century responses to Richard III in historiography, legal and constitutional debates, poetry, plays, and the visual arts. The first two chapters demonstrate that historians and legal theorists during the Stuart reign and the Civil Wars proved unexpected advocates of Richard III. Challenging the traditional narrative of Tudor chronicles, they reappraised Richard's election by parliament and his moderate taxation policies and contrasted them with the controversial high-taxation programmes of the Stuarts. The third chapter offers a re-evaluation of Richard's portraits which betray hitherto unnoticed marks of ageism as a symbol of governmental inadequacy. The chapter explores visual art as a distinct incarnation of historical commentary. Chapter four examines the depictions of Richard's conscience in poems by Richard Niccols and Christopher Brooke. The final two chapters analyse two extensive poems on Richard III. John Beaumont's 'Bosworth Field' (1629) offers an original account of the battle and Richard III as a study of patriotism and leadership. Thomas Wincoll's Plantagenets Tragicall Story (1649) transforms Richard III into a vehicle of anti-Cromwellian political allegory in the time of the regicide. By reconstructing the life of Wincoll, a royalist poet from a puritan family, the chapter outlines the contradictory nexus of convictions which underlie Civil War literature. Overall, my thesis argues that Richard III evolved from the plainly negative tyrant of Tudor chronicles to a more complex figure, resulting in a more original and balanced portrayal of his character in the seventeenth century.

What I dub the “worst-result” principle is a criterion that identifies civil war and tyranny as the worst evils that could befall a state, and prescribes their prevention. In this thesis, I attempt to define the worst-result principle’s concrete prescriptions and institutional arrangements to meet these. To do so, I explore different understandings of the worst-result principle, that each contributes to the general argument. Montesquieu’s crucial insight concerns the separation of powers to prevent the state from collapsing into despotism. Judith Shklar shows that ‘damage control’ needs to be constantly performed so as to minimize chances of governmental brutality. Roberto Unger points at the importance of encouraging citizens’ involvement in the political process to safeguard freedom. I finally argue, in the light of historical evidence, that it would be unreasonable to think that the task of preventing tyranny can be effectively performed in the absence of courts entrusted with checking powers.

In this study, I show that the figure of Minos, the mythic ruler of Bronze-Age Crete, functioned in Greek literature of the Archaic Age to the fifth century BCE as a mythical conduit elucidating three notions central to the interests of Greek thought: epic kingship, tyranny, and thalassocracy. A destructive-minded individual and judge in epic, Minos resonates with the portrayal of Homeric monarchs, who display destructive behavior toward their subjects, yet bestow upon them the benefits of adjudication. Further, Minos is deliberately exploited as a precedent by Odysseus, as the hero resolves to use self-help against the suitors rather than a settlement in court. As a result, the epic representation of Minos is far from being marginal to the Homeric poems, as usually assumed. In fifth-century Athenian literature the character is demonstrably portrayed as a tyrant. The shift in the portrayal of Minos is only apparently inconsequent. Artistic and literary evidence is mustered to suggest that the Athenians perceived Minos’ epic role of judge as incompatible with their administration and conception of justice, and that adjudication could serve as a springboard for the achievement of tyranny. In his trajectory from judge to tyrant, Minos thus illustrated the fine line separating justice from tyranny. Again in the fifth century, Minos is envisaged as a thalassocrat. I contend that his thalassocracy is a construct developed by fifth-century historians and based upon earlier traditions that associated Minos’ sea power with the attainment of the status of supreme monarch. Minos’ thalassocracy instead had the quite different implication that its holder would incline toward tyranny. Minos’ thalassocracy, thus, is relevant to Athens maritime empire, also thought of as a tyrannical rule. An ominous model for Athens, Minos’ thalassocracy is both denied and accorded primacy among the sea powers by the historians. Whether accepted or denied, Minos constituted a reference point for the current Athenian archē. / text

Whereas people are typically thought to be better off with more choices, large sets may lead to "choice paralysis". This thesis explores the processes underlying the choice from multiple alternatives in different settings. First, we propose that satisfaction is an inverted U-shaped function of the number of alternatives. This proposition is derived theoretically by considering the benefits and costs of different numbers of alternatives, and validated empirically. Second, we investigate the computational processes used to make choices from multiple alternatives under extreme time pressure using an eye-tracking technique. We find that choices are well-described by a sequential search model, in which people randomly fixate on items, measure their values, and choose the best item seen. Third, we study the neural bases of choice from multiple alternatives using fMRI. The results demonstrate that brain activity is modulated by the number of choice items and by the subjective choice experience of people. / Comúnmente, se piensa que es mejor para la gente tener más alternativas de elección. Sin embargo, grandes conjuntos pueden llevar a una "parálisis de elección". Esta tesis explora los procesos que guían la elección entre múltiples alternativas. Primero, proponemos teóricamente que la satisfacción, en función del número de alternativas (considerando los beneficios y costes de este) adopta una forma de U-invertida. Luego, lo comprobamos empíricamente. Segundo, investigamos los procesos utilizados para elegir entre múltiples alternativas, bajo extrema presión de tiempo, utilizando "eye-tracking". Encontramos que las elecciones son bien descritas por un modelo de búsqueda secuencial en el que la gente se fija en los artículos, mide sus valores y escoge el mejor visto. Tercero, estudiamos los fundamentos neuronales de elección de múltiples alternativas usando fMRI. Los resultados muestran que la actividad cerebral es modulada por el número de productos a elegir y por la experiencia subjetiva de elección.

Viceroy Francisco de Toledo (1569-81) both reviled and admired the Incas. Surprisingly, he identified exactly the same aspects of their rule to praise and to condemn. To supply a legal justification for the Spanish conquest of Tawantinsuyu, Toledo and his advisers set out to prove that the Incas met the definition of tyranny in Castilian law, as explained by Aristotle and codified in the Siete Partidas. Tyranny was defined by specific elements: state surveillance and control, a climate of fear, the destruction of civil society, social leveling, and a monopoly by the state over its subjects’ time, labor, and property. But even while condemning the Inca regime for these methods, Toledo came to believe that these methods had enabled the Incas to rule well and to create a prosperous society in the Andes. The viceroy self-consciously emulated the same aspects of Inca rule that he invoked to prove that they were tyrants. / El virrey Francisco de Toledo (1569-1581) denostaba y admiraba a los incas al mismo tiempo. Sorprendentemente, alababa y condenaba a la vez diversos aspectos que él identificó en el gobierno de aquellos. Para dar una justificación legal de la conquista española del Tawantinsuyu, Toledo y sus asesores se propusieron demostrar que las prácticas políticas de los incas encajaban con la definición de la tiranía en el derecho castellano, que se basaba en las ideas de Aristóteles y que estaba recogida en las Siete partidas. La tiranía fue definida por elementos específicos: un estado de vigilancia y control, un clima de miedo, la destrucción de la sociedad civil, la nivelación social y el monopolio del Estado sobre el tiempo, el trabajo y la propiedad de sus súbditos. Pero incluso mientras condenaba al Tawantinsuyu por dichas prácticas, Toledo llegó a creer que ellas habían permitido a los incas gobernar bien y crear una sociedad próspera en los Andes. El virrey, conscientemente, emuló los mismos aspectos del régimen del Tawantinsuyu que él invocaba para demostrar que los incas habían sido unos tiranos.

Our Tyrannies. Tocqueville on Democratic Despotism”. Although thelexicon of tyranny” and despotism” is subject to historical changes in meaning,we still keep on using those terms to refer to some types of illegitimate, unjust orindecent political regimes. So does Tocqueville, when he describes the new waysof despotism emerging from modern democratic revolution. In this article, weexplore the uses of tyranny” and despotism” in Tocqueville’s thought, and wealso try to discover the concrete models or social prototypes which could inspireTocqueville’s prognosis concerning a tutelary democratic despotism. / Aunque el léxico de la tiranía” y el despotismo” está sujeto a cambios históricos de significado, seguimos utilizando esos términos para referirnos a algunos tipos de regímenes políticos ilegítimos, injustos o indecentes. También lo hace Tocqueville, cuando describe las nuevas vías del despotismo que surgen en la revolución democrática moderna. En este artículo, exploramos los usos de latiranía” y el despotismo” en el pensamiento de Tocqueville, y también intentamos descubrir los modelos concretos o los prototipos sociales que pudieron inspirarla prognosis de Tocqueville concerniente a un despotismo democrático tutelar.

The starting point of the article is the idea that the original model of state of emergency government established to save the Constitution can be found in the Classical Roman Republic. It makes the characteristics of this institution to be analyzed. Institution that has founded an intellectual ‘tradition’ in the political and legal Western thought. The study also comments the characteristics that distinguish the “Roman dictatorship” as a concept that lightens the theoretical options of people who worry about the constitutional emergencies and the powers to set against. / El artículo toma como punto de partida la idea de que es en la República romana clásica donde ha de encontrarse el modelo original del gobierno de excepción instaurado para salvar la Constitución. A partir de ello, se analizan las características de esta institución, que ha fundado una«tradición» intelectual en el pensamiento político y jurídico de Occidente. El estudio también comenta los rasgos que distinguen a la «dictadura romana» como concepción que ilumina las opciones teóricas de quienes se preocupan por las emergencias constitucionales y los poderes para hacerles frente.

Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo estudar os templos dedicados a Zeus Olímpico, chamados de Olimpiéia, construídos entre os séculos VI e V a.C., época arcaica e clássica. Nossa intenção é compreender em que medida o santuário de Olímpia na Grécia continental foi responsável pela origem e difusão do culto de Zeus Olímpico no restante do mundo grego. É nossa intenção também compreender o caráter assumido por este culto nas várias partes do mundo grego. Interessa-nos, sobretudo, aprofundar o estudo das relações deste culto com o poder político em época arcaica e clássica no que diz respeito principalmente à sua eventual manipulação política. Para tanto, realizamos um levantamento das cidades que consagraram templos a esta divindade a fim de mapearmos o seu culto e, trabalhando os dados arqueológicos contextualizados em associação com as fontes textuais, pretendemos discutir temas como: 1-) a utilização do epíteto Olympios e do nome Olympiéion; 2-) a configuração espacial dos santuários de Zeus Olímpico e a relação do espaço sagrado com a sociedade; 3-) a relação entre o culto e o governo tirânico; 4-) e o papel do culto na construção da identidade grega. / This research aims to study the temples dedicated to Olympian Zeus, also known as Olympieia, built between the 6th and 5th centuries B.C., during the Archaic and Classical periods. Our intention is to provide an account of the importance of the sanctuary of Olympia played in the origin and diffusion of the Zeus Olympios\' cult, as well as the character assumed by this cult in other parts of the Greek world. In particular, we intend to deepen the comprehension of the connections the political power established with this cult during the Archaic and Classical epochs, especially regarding its casual political manipulation. In order to reach a sharper appraisal of the cult and meet the other purposes set forth herewith, the research will develop a detailed survey of those cities with temples consecrated to this divinity and, associating textual sources with contextualized archaeological data, suggest some themes to discussion as: 1. The use of both the epithet Olympios and the name Olympiéion; 2. The spatial configuration of the Zeus Olympios sanctuaries and the relationship between society and the sacred place; 3. The tyrannical government in relation with the cult; 4. The role played by the cult in the making of the Greek identity.

La question du règne des philosophes ne se comprend qu’au prix d’un détour par les marges de la politique classique. D’abord nous avons montré que ces marges sont définies historiquement par un discours qui articule le règne, le savoir et le salut (chapitre I). Puis nous avons montré que la notion de règne, dès lors qu’elle est attribuée à des philosophes, s’établit dans les marges de la notion classique de basilein, en en subvertissant le sens classique (chapitre II). Ensuite nous avons montré que le discours sur le règne des philosophes est une tentative venant des marges de la politique pour subvertir en en faisant usage, c’est-à-dire pour destituer, la liaison classique entre le muthos et l’unification politique (chapitre III), ce qui a impliqué de comprendre comment le philosophe peut être aux marges de la politique tout en en étant le fondement (chapitre IV). Cela nous a conduit à voir que le philosophe est en marge par rapport à l’exigence d’être utile à la cité (chapitre V) et par rapport à l’exigence d’un savoir fondé sur l’expérience (chapitre VI). Enfin, nous avons essayé de montrer que le règne des philosophes s’inscrit dans la recherche du salut de la cité, thème marginal dans les études sur Platon (chapitre VII). / The question of the philosophers’ reign can only be understood at the cost of a detour through the margins of classical politics. First of all, I have shown that these margins have historically been defined by a discourse focusing on the relationship between kingdom, knowledge and salvation (chapter 1). I have then shown that the notion of kingdom itself, when it is attributed to philosophers, positions itself in the margins of the notion of basilein, while actively subverting its classical meaning (chapter 2). The discourse about the philosophers’ reign must therefore be understood as an attempt coming from the margins of politics to use the traditional relation between the muthos and political unification, in order to subvert it, namely, to depose it. This required me to explore the way in which the philosopher can simultaneously be in the margins of politics and at the very foundation of politics (chapter 4). The philosopher’s position in the city is doubly marginal: first, he is not subject to the imperative to be useful to the city (chapter 5), and secondly, he is not subject to the imperative to ground knowledge in experience (chapter 6). Finally, I have set out to show that the philosophers’ reign inscribes itself within a quest for the city’s salvation, a theme that is itself marginal in Plato studies, and deserves more attention than it has hitherto received (chapter 7).