Objektivitet i journalistiken är viktigt för demokratin, men i rapporteringen om Sverigedemokraterna finns det mycket osäkerhet. Detta påverkar bilden väljarna får av SD. Syftet med denna studie är att granska objektiviteten i Dagens Nyheter och Hallandspostens konstruktion av Sverigedemokraterna kring valet 2014. Här används Westerståhls definition av objektivitetsbegreppet för att svara på om rapporteringen var sann, relevant, balanserad och neutral. Det diskuteras även om nyhetsrapportering kan sägas vara objektiv utan att uppfylla alla fyra kategorier. Kvalitativ innehållsanalys används på tidningsartiklar i Dagens Nyheter och Hallandsposten under en tvåveckorsperiod kring valet. Det framkommer att 30 % av DN-artiklarna och 21 % av HP-artiklarna var helt objektiva enligt Westerståhls definition, att Dagens Nyheter bättre uppfyllde tre av fyra kategorier, och att relevans och neutralitet är avgörande för nyhetsartikelns totala objektivitet.

Detta arbete handlar om regionala röstningsmönster i riksdagsvalet 2010 hos riksdagspartierna Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna. Dessa mönster analyseras fram genom ett antal kartor och diagram som är framställda från statistik från Statistiska Centralbyrån, SCB. Genom att välja ut fyra socioekonomiska faktorer; genomsnittsinkomst, eftergymnasial utbildning, industriarbetare samt befolkningstäthet, kunde en generell bild på kommunnivå skapas över vilka röstningsmönster som fanns vid riksdagsvalet 2010. Genom att kombinera dessa faktorer syntes mönster bland Sveriges 290 kommuner, var i landet de två partierna var starka respektive svaga. På detta lades de mönster som uppenbarades i de socioekonomiska faktorerna, varpå slutsatser kunde dras utifrån kombinationen av dem.

The purpose of this study is to empirically investigate if the gender of a political party leader affects the attitudes that male and female voters have towards him or her, with hope to contribute to the research field regarding voting behavior in parliamentary democracies. The hypothesis, which is derived from previous research on the field, is that men have a more positive attitude towards male party leaders than woman have, while women have a more positive attitude towards female party leaders than men have. To test the hypothesis, large amounts of data from a Swedish election research project (Svensk Valundersökning) is being examined. Specific data regarding male and female voters’ attitudes towards the party leaders Lars Werner (Left Party) 1991, Gudrun Schyman (Left Party) 1994, Lennart Daléus (Center Party) 1998 and Maud Olofsson (Center Party) 2002, is being analyzed through multiple regression analysis.  The findings of the study are that for the party leaders of the Left party, there is a statistically significant correlation that male voters are more positively set towards the male party leader Lars Werner, while female voters are more positively set towards the female party leader Gudrun Schyman. However, for the party leaders of the Center Party, no statistically significant correlation was found between sharing the sex of the party leader and having a more positive attitude towards him or her. This implies that the hypothesis is in need of supplementation, which is why alternative theories are brought up and discussed in the final parts of the study. This study can serve as a foundation for future research on male and female voter behavior, and the significance of the gender of a party leader.

Sweden has a divided pattern in terms of voting patterns from region to region in terms of the urban/rural divide in the 2006-14 three-time election cycle. The country’s mid-sized municipalities outside of the three major metropolitan areas show a general likelihood to vote for the left-leaning red-green coalition than to vote for the centre-right “alliance” in the urban areas. On the contrary, the alliance had a general advantage on the countryside or in minor locations in said municipalities. Out of the 31 municipalities studied, regional variations are significant. Northern municipalities, while left-leaning in both demographic groups, saw a general trend of the red-green parties winning more relative votes outside of the urban centres. This went heavily against the rest of the country’s tendencies, while southern Sweden also saw many towns vote for the alliance over the red-greens, especially in 2010. The study confirmed that towns and rural areas are moving further apart, especially when considering the influence of the social conservative and nationalist Sweden Democrats on the rural areas. The Social Democratic party has instead become ever more dependent on urban voters during the eight years of opposition to the alliance between ’06 and ’14. The other main party of Sweden, namely the Moderates was slightly stronger in towns than rural areas in ’06, before shifting in a slightly more rural-dependent direction in the forthcoming elections. The scope of the study covered all eight parliamentary parties elected into the Swedish Riksdag in 2014. The findings did indicate tendencies for several of them in the electoral research being done around that election. Areas with lower trust in the political system, lower political personal interest, sense of direction of the country going in the wrong direction and low trust ratings for the European Union were linked with rural areas, where the Sweden Democrats gained strong support as an anti-establishment party. Interestingly, in spite of a larger number of the Swedish electorate self-identifying as to the right rather than to the left, the strong divide of right-leaning voters between the alliance parties and the Sweden Democrats contributed to a minority left-leaning government led by the Social Democrats being able to take office after the 2014 election. This study has helped identify and confirm regional and demographical differences between parties and has correlated well with previous findings.

This essay examines the changing behavior of young Swedish voters in the 2022 election, showing a shift towards right-wing parties compared to older voters. Focusing on the period from 2010 to 2022, it analyzes the influence of gender and education on subjective political alignment and party choice of young voters in parliamentary elections. The study relies on a statistical analysis of exit poll surveys from Swedish Television, from the elections that took place during the period. Previous research suggests that today's younger generations lean towards post- materialistic or libertarian values due to improved material and economic security, while older generations lean towards materialistic and authoritarian values. As older voters pass away and young people gain voting rights, support for libertarian parties is expected to increase while backing for authoritarian parties should decline. However, this essay challenges the previous research, suggesting that despite increased opportunities for higher education and affluence, certain demographic groups, particularly young men who opt out of these opportunities, are more likely to adopt authoritarian values. The results disclose that both gender and education significantly impact the political alignment and party choice of young people throughout the studied period, with the most significant changes observed among the youngest men.