In 1967 and 1968, members of the Youth International Party, also known as Yippies, created several mass street demonstrations to protest President Lyndon Baines Johnson’s handling of the United States’ military involvement in the war in Vietnam. The Yippies were a loose network of hippies, anti-war activists, and left-wing radicals committed to cultural and political change. This dissertation investigates how the Yippies used avant-garde theories of theatre and performance in their year of demonstrating against the Johnson administration. The Yippies receive little attention in most histories of American performance, and theatre remains on the margins of political and social histories of the 1960s; therefore this dissertation places performance and political archives side by side to create a new historical narrative of the Yippies and performance. The Yippies created their own networked participatory street performance form by drawing on the political philosophy of the New Left student movement, the organizational strategies of the anti-war movement, and the countercultural values of the hippies. They modified this performance form, which they termed “revolutionary actiontheater,” with performance theories drawn from New York’s avant-garde art world, the concept of guerrilla theatre outlined by R. G. Davis of the San Francisco Mime Troupe, and the notion of Theater of Cruelty created by Antonin Artaud. Using performance theory and cultural history as primary methodologies, this project traces the Yippies’ adoption of revolutionary action-theater with three examples: the 1967 “March on the Pentagon” where future Yippie leaders performed an exorcism ritual at the Pentagon; the 1968 “Grand Central Station Yip-In” event that advertised for the Yippie movement; and the 1968 “Festival of Life” at the National Democratic Convention in Chicago where the Yippies nominated a pig as presidential candidate. The final chapter on the recent phenomenon of flash mobs argues that the Yippies’ legacy lives on in this participatory street performance form, and suggests that revolutionary action-theater can still serve as a model for political action. / text

Under det svenska 1960- och 1970-talet engagerade sig det svenska folket i en rad olika ideologiorienterade organisationer, internationella frågor eller folkrörelser, något som även tog sitt uttryck i kulturen. Mitt syfte med denna uppsats är att undersöka ett urval politiska affischer, utifrån Michael Baxandalls teori "The period eye", hur 1960- och 1970-talets konst påverkades av samtidens samhällstrukturer och politiska engagemang. Min tyngdpunkt kommer att ligga i de politiska affischer som på något sätt hade en anknytning till en alternativ rörelse, såsom Miljörörelsen, Kvinnorörelsen och Vietnamrörelsen. Men även den den svenska konstscenen i stort kommer att tillföras till undersökningen som en komplettering till förståelsen av affischernas uttryck och funktion, som ofta fabricerades utanför institutionella sammanhang. Dessa frågeställningar vill jag besvara med hjälp av den historiska bakgrunden och min analys: Vilka orsaker ligger bakom användandet av konstnärliga affischer vid spridningen av politisk propaganda? Det vill säga: Vilka faktorer gjorde att affischen användes flitigt som medium av de alternativa rörelserna istället för annan bildkonst? Hur kan den politiska andan från decennierna urskiljas konkret i affischerna? Hur skiljer sig affischkonsten från den mer institutionella konsten under dessa två decennier? Utifrån mina frågeställningar kommer jag att analysera tre politiska affischer genom att sätta in dem i ett historiskt perspektiv, vilket är deras samtid, 1960- och 1970-tal. Viktigt i det historiska perspektivet kommer att vara; de ekonomiska förutsättningarna, politikens uttryck i de olika sociala rörelserna, de internationella frågorna som präglade den svenska inrikespolitiken, synen på kulturarbetarnas politiska ansvar och konstnärens roll som politisk aktör.

The United States Navy's involvement in the Vietnam War, especially its role in the region's inland waterways, has long been an overshadowed aspect of the conflict. Most histories ignore or minimize the Navy's contribution, especially its river patrol or 'brown water' role. Through archival and library research as well as interviews with U.S Navy Vietnam War veterans this thesis demonstrates the vital role played by the brown water navy in the northern provinces of South Vietnam. A key but understudied component of this effort was Task Force Clearwater, an improvised brown water fleet that-along with the maritime logistics campaign that it supported-would prove essential for the successful defense of South Vietnam's northernmost provinces and demonstrate the vital importance of inland naval power. Task Force Clearwater and its supported maritime logistics effort form a little explored component of the U.S. Navy's role in South Vietnam. A brown water task force that proved essential for the successful defense of the northern provinces of I Corps, Clearwater repeatedly demonstrated the vital importance of inland naval power and the critical need for reliable and protected routes of supply. The task force revealed many lessons that had been long understood, forgotten, and then relearned by the U.S. Navy, among them that control of inland waterways was perhaps the most advantageous form of logistical supply in war. Created in part to satisfy the ancient maxim of "keeping the supply lines open", the task force's role broadened with time. In the course of its existence the men and boats of Clearwater would provide not only the tools of war in I Corps but also provide key lessons for the future.

Foreign Affairs: Policy, Culture, and the Making of Love and War in Vietnam investigates the interplay between war and society leading to and during the Vietnam War. This project intertwines histories of foreign relations, popular culture, and gender and sexuality as lenses for understanding international power relations during the global Cold War more broadly. By examining sexual encounters between American service members and Vietnamese civilian women, this dissertation argues that relationships ranging from prostitution to dating, marriage, and rape played a significant role in the diplomacy, logistics, and international reception of the war. American disregard for South Vietnamese morality laws in favor of bolstering GI morale in the early war years contributed to the instability of the alliance and led to a rise in anti-American activities, health concerns, and military security threats. The length of the war in addition to the difficulty for service members to definitively identify enemy forces placed stress on soldiers. Publicized cases of rape and disagreements over responsibility for orphans or children born outside marriage to U.S. servicemen in the later war years further deteriorated relations. Negotiating these relationships resulted in implicit assignments of power between the United States and their allies in South Vietnam. In addition to the bi-lateral relations between the U.S. and South Vietnam, North Vietnamese and National Liberation Front propaganda citing the GI-civilian relationships sparked security concerns and further threatened the alliance. This dissertation further contends that encounters provided propaganda material for opposition forces, strained the overall war effort at home, and shaped how Americans remember the war.

These original data for this research were documented in the clinical diary records of an army psychiatrist on deployment in Vietnam during 1969–70. This study is unique due to the original battlefield diagnosis data used for foundation comparison analysis and longitudinal retrospective case control paired measurement. In battlefield psychiatric assessment diagnostic data recorded in Vietnam during 1969–70 of 119 Australian military servicemen (Experimental group) who presented battlefield trauma exposure reactions were examined. The research case controls (Control group) are 275 Australian Vietnam veterans selected from data at the Australian War Memorial Research Centre. Case control identified participants did not present with medical symptoms in 1969-70 and presented the same demographic profile as the Experimental group population. This research examined whether initial psychiatric illnesses initiated by battlefield trauma exposure in 1969-70 by a cohort of Vietnam veterans would have long term pernicious effects on their physical and psychological health, relationships and employment status. This research compared, PTSD, delayed onset PTSD, severity of combat exposure and depressive symptoms, quality of dyads, general health and quality of life. The analysis of specific demographic variables determined the means, standard deviations, and medians for those continuous variables for both groups from 1969-70 (n=394) and 2006-07 (n=97). The 2006-07 Experimental group (n=21) represents 17.65% and the Control group (n=76) represents 28.15% of the original groups selected and matched from 1969-70 data. These participants completed a battery of psychometric questionnaires and a follow up telephone interview. Demographic variables were evaluated for inclusion as covariates. These demographic variables were correlated with combat exposure and the presentation of PTSD in 1969-70 and 2006-07. PTSD identified in 2006-07 was modelled as a latent variable with three manifest indicators (re-experiencing, hyper-arousal and avoidance). Categorical variables were determined by frequency tables for respective group participants. Group differences in continuous variables were analysed by t-test or the Wilcoxon signed rank sum test accounting for non-normal distributions. Categorical variables, chi-square tests or Fisher's Exact Tests were performed when assumptions of chi-square tests were violated. Research participants from 1969-70 and 2006-07 did not indicate a significant difference in demographic, categorical or continuous variables. Initial 1969-70 battlefield psychiatric diagnosis TSD did indicate of a causal link to delayed onset PTSD in research participants in 2006-07. The PTSD (2006-07 diagnosis) indicated a descriptive difference, 64 of the 76 Control met the diagnostic criteria, while 19 of the 21 Experimental met the criteria. A significant difference was identified in the 2006-07 presence and severity of depression, two symptoms (intrusion and avoidance) of PTSD and the reported combat exposure. The prevalence of delayed onset PTSD was also highlighted. Obtaining original battlefield psychiatric diagnoses is rare. Comparison with an identifiable Control group after 35 years informs knowledge of how military personnel cope with battlefield exposure. Specifically concluding that; battlefield exposures during 1969-70 for the majority of the research participants have impacted detrimentally on their psychological and physical health, relationships, employment and ongoing overall wellbeing to this day. Delayed onset PTSD is the principal indicator of this current state for these veterans. / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Population Health and Clinical Practice, 2008

Esta tese aborda o tema do impacto político e intelectual da Guerra do Vietnã nos Estados Unidos a partir da história da fundação e dos primeiros anos de existência do periódico Foreign Policy (1970-1977). A intervenção no Vietnã desencadeou uma intensa contestação na sociedade norte-americana em relação às doutrinas e práticas de Guerra Fria que, até então, eram amplamente aceitas. A crise foi tão profunda que as principais organizações de política externa, o sistema político, os consagrados membros do establishment e as bases ideacionais e intelectuais que sustentavam as práticas intervencionistas se tornaram todos alvos de profundos questionamentos e, muitas vezes, violentos ataques. A história da Foreign Policy reconstrói este processo a partir de um ponto de vista privilegiado, uma vez que foi esta crise que motivou a fundação de um novo periódico com a intenção de revisar a política externa norte-americana e reformular os paradigmas analíticos em relações internacionais. Além disso, diversos membros da Foreign Policy participaram de decisões da intervenção no Vietnã, quando ainda eram mais jovens, e assumiram ao longo da década de 1970 posição de destaque na elaboração de uma política externa menos intervencionista e militarista (o que desencadeia na participação deles no governo Carter) ou na constituição de novos paradigmas intelectuais em política internacional que transcendiam o tema da Guerra Fria, abordando a crescente interdependência e as novas questões sociais globais. Esta tese retoma desde a Guerra do Vietnã até as propostas de governo do presidente Carter e os novos paradigmas analíticos em relações internacionais a partir da trajetória de membros da Foreign Policy (Samuel Huntington, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Richard Holbrooke, James C. Thomson, Joseph Nye, entre outros). A história deste periódico ajuda a compreender melhor uma conjuntura política decisiva nos Estados Unidos em que foram concebidos os germes da polarização política, da crise do establishment e de uma preocupação política com as consequências domésticas de uma economia cada vez mais interdependente e globalizada. / This dissertation focuses on the political and intellectual impact of the Vietnam War in the United States, based on the founding and first years of the existence of Foreign Policy Magazine (1970-1977). Intervention in Vietnam set off an intense dispute in American society regarding the Cold War doctrines and practices, which had been widely accepted until then. The crisis was so deep that the major foreign policy organizations, the political system, respected members of the establishment, and the ideological and intellectual bases that had sustained the interventionist practices all became targets of profound questioning and, frequently violent attacks. The history of Foreign Policy reconstructs this process based on a privileged vantage point, since it was this crisis that motivated the rise of a new periodical with the intention of reviewing American foreign policy and reformulating the analytical paradigms regarding international relations. Moreover, various members of Foreign Policy had taken part in the decisions to intervene in Vietnam, when they were younger, and during the 1970s assumed a position of importance in developing a less interventionist and militaristic foreign policy (which led to their participation in the Carter government), or in the creation of new intellectual paradigms in international politics that transcend the theme of the Cold War, focusing on increasing interdependence and the new global social issues. This dissertation reexamines the period from the Vietnam War to the Carter president proposals and the new analytical paradigms with respect to international relations based on the trajectory of the Foreign Policy associates (Samuel Huntington, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Richard Holbrooke, James C. Thomson, Joseph Nye, and others). The history of this journal helps to better understand one decisive political juncture of the United States, wherein were conceived the seeds of political polarization, the crisis of the establishment, and of a political concern with the domestic consequences of an increasingly interdependent and globalized economy.

Centrée sur le contexte des « longues années 68 », la thèse porte sur les raisons et le déroulement de la protestation juvénile entre les Etats-Unis et l’Europe, à partir du début des années Soixante jusqu’à la moitié de la décennie suivante. Il s’agit d’une période durant laquelle les pays développés connaissent une transformation sans pareil, marquée par l’élargissement de la société de consommation de masse et par le progrès frappant dans le domaine de la communication. La recherche vise surtout à éclairer deux questions principales : définir le rôle joué par la contre-culture dans la vague révolutionnaire et encadrer la dimension internationale du mouvement. Ce travail est donc divisé en deux parties : la première aborde les causes et l’esprit de la contre-culture à partir de ses racines américaines, tandis que la deuxième partie sera centrée sur les agitations étudiantes dans les pays de référence. En ce qui concerne les acteurs de la mobilisation, la recherche porte sur trois sujets principaux : les groupes undergrounds, le mouvement étudiant international et la révolte italienne de Soixante-dix-sept. Il s’agit de trois sujets qui représentent trois phases distinctes dans la chronologie du « cycle de protestation », un cycle qui se déroule dans un récit déchiqueté où on assiste à un changement continu de paradigme. Malgré cette inconstance fondamentale, il subsiste des mots d’ordre qui occupent une place privilégiée dans la mentalité des activistes : anti-autoritarisme, égalitarisme, répression, droit, révolution restent les nœuds théoriques les plus significatifs de la contestation dans le milieu juvénile, étudiant et également ouvrier. / Centred on the political and cultural context of the “long Sixties”, this work examines the reasons and the dynamics of social movements between USA and Europe, focusing on the period from 1960 to the mid-1970s. It was a period of great transformations where the affluent societies witnessed an explosive growth both in social field and in technological domain. This thesis aims above all to understand two main issues: the role counterculture played in the war protest and civil rights movement and the international dimension of this phenomenon. Thus, this research is divided into two parts: the first section concerns with the underground movement beginning with its American roots while the second part is dedicated to the student movement thought an international perspective. Concerning the social actors involved in the mobilisation, this work is focused on three main subjects: the counterculture groups, the several student movements and the militants of Italian 1977 revolt. It means to analyse three different moments in the “protestation cycle” of long Sixties that remains a tumultuous period of paradigm shifts. In spite of this instability, it is possible to indicate some keywords that characterise the spirit of the age: anti-authoritarianism, egalitarianism, repression, rights, and above all, revolution remain the more significant theoretical questions on which this work revolves.

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O principal objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a forma dialética presente em Exércitos da Noite, uma das mais reconhecidas e ousadas obras do romancista norte-americano Norman Mailer. Publicada originalmente em 1968, Exércitos é um relato pessoal do autor sobre sua vivência na Marcha sobre o Pentágono, manifestação civil que reuniu milhares de pessoas em Washington, em outubro de 1967, em protesto contra a política americana na guerra do Vietnã. O livro, dividido em duas partes, recria, na primeira, uma perspectiva ficcional dos eventos, em contraste com a segunda, na qual Mailer procura criar uma visão histórica sobre os episódios da Marcha, recorrendo, para tanto, a técnicas de reportagem e excertos da cobertura da mídia no período, num tom fundamentalmente ensaístico. Permeando toda a narrativa, há o explosivo contexto da vida norte-americana do período, com sua cultura hippie, a emergência dos movimentos civis e a queima pública das cartas de convocação para a guerra. A presente dissertação analisa este peculiar romance à luz de textos centrais das áreas de teoria literária e estudos jornalísticos, além de evocar outros autores que, como Mailer, fizeram parte de um grande contexto renovador do jornalismo literário nos anos 1960 e 1970 chamado, genericamente, de Novo Jornalismo, de origem norte-americana e repercussões profundas, inclusive no Brasil. Com tal abordagem, intento alcançar uma melhor compreensão acerca dos mecanismos ficcionais que sustentam e aproximam os discursos jornalístico e literário, nomeadamente na obra de Mailer, que o crítico do New York Times Alfred Kazin definiu à época como um \"diário-ensaio-tratado-sermão\", com Mailer desempenhando seu dileto papel ficcional de visionário da América. / The main purpose of this issue is to investigate the dialectic form on Norman Mailer\'s acclaimed and Pulitzer-winner novel The Armies of the Night: The History as a Novel, The Novel as History, first published in 1968 as the author\'s personal account of the March on the Pentagon, a peace rally that shook Washington D.C. for three days in October 1967 and gathered thousands of civilians on a protest against the american policies concerning the Vietnam War. The book, divided into two parts, recreates, on the first, a fictional perspective of the events, while the second intends to convey a historical view on the same context, by mixing reporting techniques, excerpts from the media coverage and essayistic interventions. Throughout the whole book runs the thread of the mythic north-american background of the period, with its hippie culture, civilian movements and burned draft cards. Drawing on key authors from the literary and journalistic studies, this work pursuits a better understanding of the specific fictional procedures shared both by journalism and literature, namely on Armies of the Night, Mailer\'s new journalistic piece, that the New York Times critic Alfred Kazin defined tentatively as a \"diary-essaytract- sermon\", with Mailer playing his favorite part of the American visionary.

Under Vietnamkrigets förlopp så ändrades sättet som samhället betraktade journalister samt hur deras egen praxis var. Daniel C Hallin beskriver det som att de gick från att ses som en del av myndigheterna till att vara ”vakthundar”. De gick från att vara soldater vid skrivmaskinen till att övervaka det politiska styret. En högre journalistisk standard blev följden. En tidigare studie av New York Times rapportering av förloppet av kriget visar förändringar i användandet av källor och hur vinklingen gick från positiv till kriget till att vara emot det. Denna studie undersöker New York Times rapportering av Irakkriget och fokuserar på om tidningens journalister agerade som vakthundar eller som skrivmaskinssoldater. Genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys med fokus på fyra datum under 2003 och samma datum 2005 kan studien se hur tidningen använde källor och om den stod bakom bevisen som President Bush presenterade emot Saddam Hussein.  Ur en teoretisk synvinkel tillämpas Pierre Bourdieus fältteori som beskriver media fältet och det politiska fältet som i en tävling mot varandra. En tävling som styrs av normer som reglerar hur interaktionen mellan fälten går till. Förändringen som tillkom under Vietnamkriget ändrade dessa normer. Tidningar som New York Times blev mer självständiga gentemot politiken och normen blev att övervaka myndigheten istället för att föra fram dess budskap. Denna studie går igenom ett antal faktorer som påverkade hur NY Times rapporterade om Irakkriget. En av dessa faktorer är ett kapitalistiskt system som gör att media känner sig tvungna att producera nyheter även om de är osäkra på källorna. Samt det politiska klimatet som existerade i USA där nationell säkerhet prioriterades. President George W Bush använde dessa faktorer på ett smart vis och skapade en situation där media återigen kopplades samman med styret under Irakkriget.  Tidigare forskning gjord av Rod Brookes och Justin Lewis samt av FAIR visar att delar av brittisk media och amerikansk tv-media var för kriget i majoriteten av deras sändningar. Denna innehållsanalys visar att även NY Times rapportering var positiva till Bushs bevis och anklagelser mot Saddam Hussein. Under 2003 så var tidningen beroende av militären och det politiska styret som källor till dess rapportering. De var inledningsvis positiva till kriget och förde fram George W Bushs budskap om att kriget var nödvändigt. Ett flertal variabler visar dock att tendensen var att rapporteringen blev mer skeptisk till Bushs anklagelser mot Saddam Hussein. Under 2005 så ifrågasattes motiven och tidningens skildring vinklade kriget negativt.   Uppsatsens diskussion kopplar denna tendens till att fler krigskritiska källor kommer fram på grund av att Bush förlorade kontrollen av informationsflödet. En jämförelse görs med Vietnam-studien vilket visar att rapporteringen av Irakkriget hade ett större beroende av militära källor (32,3% under 2003 och 10 % totalt under Vietnamkriget). Samt ifrågasatte sina källor mindre. En slutsats görs att den högre graden av journalistik som kom till under Vietnamkrigets tid inte var representerad under inledningen av Irakkriget. / Around the time of the Vietnam war the way journalists were looked upon by society changed aswell as their own praxis. Daniel C Hallin describes it as they went from appearing as an extended part of the government to being watchdogs. They went from being typrewritersoldiers to monitoring the government and a higher standard of journalism came with it. A previous study of mine of the New York Times report of the Vietnam war showed that the way sources were used changed during the course of the war. And the report went from being positive to opposing the war. This study examines New York Times report of the Iraq war and focuses on the role of the newspaper. Were their journalists watchdogs or typewritersoldiers. By making a quantative content analysis focusing on four dates in 2003 and the same dates 2005. The study sees how the newspaper used it 's sources and if it stood behind President Bushs motives for the war.   The study applies Pierre Bourdies field theory which describes media and politics as fields that are in a contest with eachother. Their interactions are controlled by norms. This study looks at the changes that occured during the Vietnam war as the norms changning. Media grew more independent from politics and monitoring the government became the norm instead of broadcasting it 's messages. This study describes a capitalistic system that pressures the media to produce news even if they're unsure of it's sources. Aswell as a political climat in the USA that prioritised national security. President George W Bush used these factors in a smart way and created a situation where the media once again became less independent from the political field during the first stages of the war. Previous studies done by Rod Brookes and Justin Lewis and F.A.I. R have shown that parts of the brittish and american tv-media were pro-war in a majority of their broadcasts. This content analysis had a similar result. During 2003 a majority of the newspapers sources came from the american military and the political field. It concludes that the NY Times was positive to Bushs motives for the war. But grew sceptical and questioned them in 2005. The discussion in the study connects this to more anti-war sources coming forward as a consequence of Bush losing the flow of information. A comparison with the Vietnam war shows that the journalists covering the Iraq war used military sources significantly more (32,3% in 2003 and 10 % in total in the Vietnam war). And questioned their sources less than in the coverage of the Vietnam war. The conclusion of the study is that the higher standard of journalism that surfaced during the Vietnam war wasn 't present at the start of the Iraq war.