Jedes Jahr am 6. Dezember begann der Verkauf von Navel-Apfelsinen in der DDR. Im Volksmund war der „Apfelsinendampfer angekommen“ Begriffe, die unser Leben in der DDR besonders vor Weihnachten prägten. Trotz Zuteilung begehrter Mangelware waren die Tische zu Weihnachten reich gedeckt, die Menschen hielten zusammen und Schenken machte Freude....Ein Einblick in das Leben Ostdeutschlands.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Soft tissue manipulation is a widely used practice by manual therapists from a variety of healthcare disciplines to evaluate and treat neuromusculoskeletal impairments using mechanical stimulation either by hand massage or specially-designed tools. The practice of a specific approach of targeted pressure application using distinguished rigid mechanical tools to breakdown adhesions, scar tissues and improve range of motion for affected joints is called Instrument-Assisted Soft Tissue Manipulation (IASTM). The efficacy of IASTM has been demonstrated as a means to improve mobility of joints, reduce pain, enhance flexibility and restore function. However, unlike the techniques of ultrasound, traction, electrical stimulation, etc. the practice of IASTM doesn't involve any standard to objectively characterize massage with physical parameters. Thus, most IASTM treatments are subjective to practitioner or patient subjective feedback, which essentially addresses a need to quantify therapeutic massage or IASTM treatment with adequate treatment parameters to document, better analyze, compare and validate STM treatment as an established, state-of-the-art practice. This thesis focuses on the development and implementation of Quantifiable Soft Tissue Manipulation (QSTM™) Technology by designing an ergonomic, portable and miniaturized wired localized pressure applicator medical device (Q1), for characterizing soft tissue manipulation. Dose-load response in terms of forces in Newtons; pitch angle of the device ; stroke frequency of massage measured within stipulated time of treatment; all in real-time has been captured to characterize a QSTM session. A QSTM PC software (Q-WARE©) featuring a Treatment Record System subjective to individual patients to save and retrieve treatment diagnostics and a real-time graphical visual monitoring system has been developed from scratch on WINDOWS platform to successfully implement the technology. This quantitative analysis of STM treatment without visual monitoring has demonstrated inter-reliability and intra-reliability inconsistencies by clinicians in STM force application. While improved consistency of treatment application has been found when using visual monitoring from the QSTM feedback system. This system has also discriminated variabilities in application of high, medium and low dose-loads and stroke frequency analysis during targeted treatment sessions. / 2023-04-26

Abstract  Erik Samuelsson: A View Towards the Sea – Towards a Changed Understanding of the Culture and Social Life of the Middle Neolithic in Eastern Central Sweden.  The objective of this essay is to undertake an investigation and critical review of the Neolithic cultural groups as defined by contemporary archaeologists. This will be achieved through the analysis of empirical material derived from the Neolithic site of Tibble, located in the Björklinge parish of Uppland, Sweden. The primary aim is to develop a more comprehensive understanding and interpretation of not only the specific site but also the cultural and social aspects of the Neolithic period as a whole. Key questions addressed in this study include the impact of material studies on the overall interpretation of Neolithic culture and social life, as well as the potential for attaining a more holistic understanding of a time and place through an analytical approach that oscillates between detailed analysis and broader contextual perspectives. The primary sources utilized in this research consist of material artifacts, reports, and relevant literature pertaining to the Middle Neolithic settlement at Tibble, Björklinge parish, Uppland, Sweden. The theoretical framework employed in this study, as well as the chosen methodology, is rooted in the hermeneutic spiral. Previous investigations into the Stone Age have been largely characterized by the classification of cultural groups, with limited consideration given to the criticism of the concept of culture itself. Consequently, substantial changes in the interpretation of the Neolithic period and its inhabitants have not been extensively pursued. In this essay, the integration of hermeneutics and interdisciplinary approaches is demonstrated as a valuable means to foster a transformative understanding of both specific sites and broader chronological periods. By doing so, it becomes possible to harness the knowledge embedded in material studies.It is important to note that this essay does not aspire to provide an ultimate solution to the perceived problem but rather represents an initial step towards a new direction of inquiry. This process is not necessarily confined to a singular location or region but can be applied to the interpretative work concerning other Neolithic sites as well.

Red Lustrous Wheelmade Ware (RLWm ware) transport and storage vessels have been excavated from Late Bronze Age (LBA) sites across the eastern Mediterranean. These distinctive vessels were traded for the valuable commodity they contained so far unidentified. Seventy-three sherds (61 RLWm ware, 12 in local fabrics) and two visible residues were analysed for organic residues using standard lipid extraction techniques. Seven residues from a previous study were re-examined. Gas chromatography-mass spectrometry identified four materials ¿ beeswax, bitumen, fat/oil and resin. Beeswax, found only in vessels from Hittite sites in Turkey, was probably used as a post-firing treatment. Fat/oil, present in some sherds from every site, represents the contents of the vessels and showed many of the characteristics of degraded plant oil. Two examples contained a plant sterol and three yielded ricinoleic acid, a biomarker for castor oil. Gas-chromatography compound-specific isotope ratio mass spectrometry of selected residues excluded dairy products, ruminant animal fats and fish oils as source materials for the fats/oils, while comparison with a small database of modern oils created during this study does not exclude plant oils. Selected samples analysed by high performance liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry did not reveal wine residues. Data on the elemental composition of the fabric collected during another study was re-analysed and compared with data from a further published study, confirming the remarkable consistency of RLWm ware fabric. Volume calculations were also attempted to give an estimate of the capacity of the main vessel forms. / Arts and Humanities Research Council / Extensive folders of data and appendices which accompany this thesis are not presently available online.

No description available.

Stuxnet, Havex, BlackEnergy, Crashoverride, and now Triton/Trisis are all examples of cyber security incidents where industrial systems were targeted. The incident Triton/Trisis is new in it’s kind, as the attacker got all the way into the safety industrial system of an oil and gas refinery. Even if the final goal of the attack is still unknown the attacker had the power to put human life directly at risk. Details of the attack are still unknown and research and reverse engineering is still going on of the attack. The purpose of this study is to create an attack graph of the case. By collecting and combining information from publicly available material and grade all the sources by its trustworthiness the study resulted in a two-layered attack graph. Each node and vector in the graph have specified trustworthiness and the nodes contain related sources, tools, and network segments. The study shows that it is possible to construct an attack graph of the case even if details are still missing. Furthermore, it shows that the specific malicious code was tailor-made, but the steps needed to reach the safety industrial system itself were largely possible with the help of publicly available tools. As a result, the whole industrial industry needs to prepare for an escalation of cyber security incidents. / Stuxnet, Havex, BlackEnergy, Crashoverride och Triton/Trisis är alla exempel på cybersäkerhetsincidenter där industrisystem blivit angripna. Händelsen Triton/Trisis är ny i sitt slag, eftersom angriparen kom hela vägen in i det industriella säkerhetssystemet i ett olje- och gasraffinaderi. Ä ven om det slutliga målet för attacken fortfarande är okänt, hade angriparen möjlighet att sätta människor i fara. Detaljer av attacken är fortfarande okända och forskning samt rekonstruktion av attacken pågår. Syftet med denna studie är att skapa en attackgraf över incidenten. Genom att samla in och kombinera information från allmänt tillgängligt material och betygsätta alla källor genom dess tillförlitlighet resulterade studien i en attackgraf med två lager. Varje nod och vektor i grafen har givits en tillförlitlighet och noderna innehåller relaterade källor, verktyg och nätverkssegment. Studien visar att det är möjligt att konstruera en attackgraf av incidenten även om det saknas detaljer. Dessutom visar den att den specifika skadliga koden var skräddarsydd, men stegen som behövdes för att nå det industriella säkerhetssystemet var till stor del möjliga med hjälp av offentligt tillgängliga verktyg. Som ett resultat behöver hela den industriella industrin förbereda sig för en upptrappning av cybersäkerhetsincidenter. / Kandidatexjobb i elektroteknik 2020, KTH, Stockholm

Durant le IVe millénaire, la Mésopotamie et ses voisins ont été reliés via un vaste réseau commercial, établi par des Urukéens lors de leur expansion en Iran et dans le Nord mésopotamien. À la fin du IVe et au début du IIIe, la Mésopotamie et ses voisins ont connu une phase de crise dont les causes nous sont toujours obscures en raison de l’absence des documents écrits remontant à cette phase. A cette phase, le réseau commercial urukéen et la colonisation urukéenne en Iran et en Mésopotamie du Nord, s’étant effondrés, les sites urukéens ont été abandonnés, ainsi qu’un grand nombre de sites indigènes qui ont été abandonnés. Le contact entre le Nord et le Sud mésopotamien fut suspendu. Pourtant, d’autres sites furent fondés que ce soit en Iran ou en Mésopotamie. Bien que la culture céramique mésopotamienne ne se soit modifiée profondément à cette phase cruciale, des traditions peintres réapparaissent soudainement alors que les Mésopotamiens les avaient abandonnées depuis 9 siècles (au Post-Obeid). Trois aires à céramique peinte apparaissent en Mésopotamie : en Irak du centre, de l’Est, du Nord (horizon de Ninive 5) et l’Iran a employé massivement la peinture. Cependant, le Sumer a conservé les traditions urukéennes qui ne connaissent pas de peinture. A noter que la peinture en Iran a été employée avant et durant l’expansion urukéenne. De plus, il semble avoir existé un corridor de contact reliant le West iranien aux trois zones à peinture en Mésopotamie. Mais comment peut-on expliquer ce phénomène de la réapparition de la peinture en Mésopotamie centrale et du Nord : s’agit-il des déplacements des groupes iraniens en Mésopotamie, ou des simples influences ? On ne peut pas traiter de la question de la fin du IVe/début du IIIe millénaire sans confronter, d’une part au problème concernant le destin des Urukéens. Ces derniers ont vécu plus de 4 siècles dans la périphérie durant l’expansion. Et d’autre part on est confronté au problème de la fondation des sites urbain aux touts début du 3e millénaire (Mari, Terqa, Kharab Sayyar et Chuera).Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons choisi des sites-clés en Iran et en Mésopotamie. Leur céramique (et d’autre matériel) est étudié tout d’abord dans leur position stratigraphique, site par site, puis selon leur répartition dans l’espace. Au même temps, cette étude strato-céramique a été combinée avec une étude portée sur les changements dans l’occupation dans l’espace (abandon et fondation) et sur les transformations culturelles, surtout en Iran du Nord-Ouest et de l’Ouest où le phénomène de l’expansion transcaucasienne s’étend jusqu’au Kermanshah et le Nord du Luristan dans le Zagros central).Basant sur des comparaisons céramiques et sur d’autres aspects archéologiques, nous avons tenté de corréler entre la stratigraphie des sites étudiés. Nous avons évité de faire d’un site ou d’une région le « centre du monde ». Nous avons plutôt regardé chaque site et région à partir de ses voisins. A la fin de chaque partie ou chapitre, nous avons relié entre les régions étudiées, du point de vue culturel, stratigraphique et occupationnel, pour tenter de tirer une conclusion historique concernant le passage entre le IVe et le IIIe millénaires.Vers 2700-2600 av. J.-C., les traditions peintes disparaissent à nouveau de la Mésopotamie, au moment où le contact a été rétabli entre les Sumériens et le Nord mésopotamien (Mari-Brak-Chuera). Concernant cette reprise de contact, nous mettons plus l’accent sur les changements observés dans la stratigraphie (sites abandonnés et/ou incendiés) pour parler d’un phénomène que nous avons appelé la « Sumérianisation ». Nous avons tenté de repérer ce phénomène par le biais de quelques inscriptions datées du Dynastique Archaïque III (vers 2600-2500 av. J.-C.). / During the 4th millennium, Mesopotamia and its neighbours were connected by a vast trade network which was established by Urukians throughout their expansion into Iran and Northern Mesopotamia. At the end of the 4th millennium and at the beginning of the 3rd, all those regions faced a phase crisis whose causes are unknown for us because of the absence of the written documents dated to this phase. At this phase, the Uruk trade network and colonization in Iran and Northern Mesopotamia were collapsed. Uruk sites have been abandoned. In addition, a large number of indigenous sites were abandoned. The contact between Northern and Southern Mesopotamian was suspended. However, other sites were founded in Iran and Mesopotamia. Although, with this crucial phase, the Mesopotamian ceramic culture did not change deeply, the painting traditions reappeared suddenly whereas the Mesopotamian had abandoned them since 9 centuries c. (in Post-Obaid).Three zones with painted ceramics appear in Mesopotamia: centre of Iraq, Eastern Iraq, North Iraq and North-Eastern Syria. Also, Iran employed massively the painting. However, the land of Sumer conserved the Uruk traditions which aren’t painted. Worthily to be noted that the painting traditions existed in Iran before and even during the Uruk expansion. Moreover, a corridor of contact seems to have existed linking Western Iran to those three zones. But, how can one explain this reappearance phenomenon of this painting in the centre and North Mesopotamia: is-it because of the displacements of the Iranian groups into Mesopotamia or is it a simple influence? Likewise, one cannot treat the question of the end of the 4th millennium without being confronted with the problem of the destiny of the Urukians colonists. Those latter lived in the periphery more than 4 centuries during the expansion. On the other hand, one is confronted with the problem of the foundation of urban-cities with the all beginning of the 3rd millennium (Mari, Terqa, Kharab Sayyar and Chuera). To answer these questions, we chose site-keys in Iran and Mesopotamia. First of all, we studied, site by site, their ceramic (and others materials) according to their stratigraphical position (strato-ceramic), and then based on their distribution in the landscape. At the same time, those strato-ceramics analyses have been combined with another study concerning changes in the occupation of landscape (abandonment and foundation), and the cultural transformations, especially for the North-Western and Western Iran where the transcaucasian expansion extends to Kermanshah and Northern Luristan in central Zagros.Based on ceramic comparisons and on other archaeological aspects, we attempted to correlate between the stratigraphy of the studied sites. We avoided making of a site or of a region the “Center of the World”. We rather looked at each site and region starting from its neighbours. At the end of each part or chapter, we linked between the studied regions, from the cultural point of view, stratigraphic and occupational, in order to try to draw a historic conclusion concerning the passage between the 4th and the 3rd millennium.Towards 2700-2600 B.C., the painting traditions disappeared once again from Mesopotamia, at the time when the contact was restored between the Sumerians and Northern Mesopotamian (Mari-Brak-Chuera). For this resumption of contact, we set the accent more on the changes observed in the stratigraphy (abandoned sites or burned) to speak about a phenomenon which we called “the Sumerianisation”. Moreover, we tried to identify this phenomenon by the means of some inscriptions dated to the Dynastic archaic III (towards 2600-2500 B. C.).

Cette thèse de doctorat constitue une première étude de synthèse de la céramique de cuisine (Brittle Ware), de l’époque romaine à l’époque omeyyade en Syrie. Cette recherche repose sur une approche méthodologique combinant un classement typologique des formes et un classement par groupes de pâtes. Le corpus étudié provient de plusieurs sites archéologiques de Syrie du nord, dont la céramique de cuisine est encore inédite et pour laquelle on ignore les centres de production (Apamée, Andarin, Alep et Dibsi Faraj). Ce travail a entrepris d’identifier le nombre d’ateliers et leur localisation, leur profil de production et leur aire de diffusion. Les objectifs sont de caractériser la production de Brittle Ware depuis la manufacture jusqu’aux contextes de consommation, <p>L’étude chrono-typologique a permis de définir le répertoire de la Brittle Ware et de situer sa production entre l’époque hellénistique (3e av. J.-C.) et l’époque mamelouke (13e s. apr. J.-C.). Aux époques romaine, byzantine et omeyyade, un même assemblage formel, constituant un service de cuisine se diffuse dans toute la province antique de Syrie. Ce service de cuisine est constitué d’un pot à cuire haut et fermé qui devait servir aux liquides et aux bouillies, d’une casserole ouverte pour les plats mijotés et d’une cruche. <p>L’analyse minéralogique et chimique des pâtes a identifié cinq groupes de pâte, correspondant à cinq zones de production. L’origine des matières premières exploitées a pu être localisée dans le nord-ouest de la Syrie, à proximité de l’Euphrate et dans le sud-ouest de la Syrie. L’étude des pâtes et des formes de Brittle Ware dans leur contexte géographique et chronologique a de surcroît montré que ces cinq sources d’argile correspondent à cinq centres de production. Les profils de ces centres de production ont pu être définis :leur durée d’activité et l’aire géographique de leur diffusion varie pour chacun d’entre eux. Quatre sont des ateliers syriens alors que le dernier semble être localisé plus au sud. Deux centres de production ont une diffusion supra-régionale (couvrant plusieurs zones géographiques). L’un diffuse ses produits de Syrie occidentale jusqu’à l’Euphrate et l’autre, moins attesté à l’est, constitue l’unique fournisseur de la ville d’Apamée. Les trois autres centres ont une distribution régionale. La plupart de ces ateliers partagent le même service de cuisine, témoignant de la transmission d’un savoir-faire technique et formel sur plusieurs générations.<p>Alors qu’à l’époque hellénistique, on note sur quelques sites la présence d’une vaisselle culinaire différente, qui s’apparente aux traditions de l’Âge du Fer et de l’Âge du Bronze syrien, l’étude de la distribution de la Brittle Ware en Syrie révèle que celle-ci représente l’unique céramique de cuisine utilisée aux époques romaines et byzantines. En outre, les formes typiques de la Brittle Ware ne sont pas attestées en dehors des limites de la province antique de Syrie :en Cilicie, en Palestine ou à Chypre. Les céramiques culinaires des régions limitrophes de la Syrie constituent d’autres faciès régionaux qui partagent néanmoins des traditions formelles et techniques avec les productions de Brittle Ware. Ces autres faciès sont caractérisés par leurs répertoires typologiques spécifiques, par ailleurs inconnus en Syrie.<p>Les cartes de distribution de la Brittle Ware et la comparaison avec les productions des régions limitrophes montrent par conséquent que la production de Brittle Ware représente un commerce à échelle supra-régionale, tourné essentiellement vers l’intérieur de la Syrie. Le fait que ce commerce ne dépasse pas les limites de la province, loin d’être un facteur négatif, indique que la production de Brittle Ware est suffisamment prospère pour défier la concurrence. <p>L’étude des contextes de production de la Brittle Ware montre que cette catégorie de vaisselle, bien qu’utilitaire était l’objet d’une production de masse, diffusée à l’échelle d’une province et provenant sans doute de grands centres de production spécialisés. Cette recherche couvrant trois périodes historiques contribue à notre connaissance de l’économie syrienne, car elle illustre la pérennité des centres de production et de certains réseaux d’échange, depuis l’époque romaine jusqu’à la fin de l’époque omeyyade.<p> / Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire de l'art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The aim of this master thesis is to expand on the understanding of the resource utilisation on the 19 Gotlandic Pitted Ware Culture sites: Ajvide, Alvena, Fridtorp, Grausne, Gullrum,Gumbalde, Hau, Hemmor, Hoburgen, Ire, Kinner/Tjauls, Rangvide, Barshalder, Stenstugu,Stora Förvar, Sudergårds II, Visby, Västerbjers and Västerbys. The study utilises theoretical frameworks such as Site Catchment Analysis, Site Territorial Analysis and Optimal ForagingTheory and is based on two main questions: Which animals did the diet on each site consist of? And are there any apparent connections between diet and topography/environment? To answer these questions, osteological records have been studied to get an idea of the animal food resources utilised on each site. ArcGIS has also been used to create height- and soil maps with contemporary shorelines which show how the sites were located in the middle Neolithic Gotlandic landscape. The study has shown that most sites appear to have included a variety of animals like pig/boar, cattle, sheep/goat, fish, seal, porpoise and birds in their diet. The sites with the lowest number of confirmed animals also tend to have undergone the least archaeological investigation, suggesting that further excavations on these sites might unearth more animal species. Additional discoveries show a small albeit noticeable emphasis on marine animal resources, especially porpoise, on southern sites. Sites located in areas mostly consisting of sandy, meager soils also show an increased marine resource utilisation. This might suggest that the area around these sites were somewhat barren and lacking in terrestrial prey animals.

The genre of comics has had a tumultuous career throughout the twentieth century: it has careened from wildly popular to being perceived as the source of society’s ills. Despite having been relegated to the lowest rung of the artistic ladder for the better part of the twentieth century, comics has been gaining in quality and respectability over the last couple of decades. My introductory chapter provides a broad, basic introduction to the genre of comics––its historical development, its different forms, and a survey of comics criticism over the last thirty years. In chapter two I clarify the nature of comics by comparing it to literature, film, and pictorial art, thereby highlighting its hybrid nature. It has elements in common with all of these, and yet it is a distinct genre. My primary focus is on Chris Ware, whom I introduce in chapter three, a brilliant creator who has garnered widespread recognition and respect. His magnum opus is Jimmy Corrigan: The Smartest Kid on Earth, the story of four generations of Corrigan men, most of whom have been negligent in raising their children. Jimmy Corrigan, as a result, is an introverted, insecure thirty–something–year–old man. Among comics creators Ware is unusual in that his story does not address socio–political issues, like most of his peers, which I discuss in chapter four. Jimmy Corrigan is an isolated tale with a very specific focus. Ware’s narrative is somewhat like those of William Faulkner, whose stories have a narrow focus, revolving around the lives of the inhabitants of Yoknapatawpha county, rather than encompassing the vast landscape of national socio–political concerns. Also, in chapter five I explore the intriguing combination of realist and Gothic elements––normally at opposite ends of the generic continuum––that Ware merges in Jimmy Corrigan. This feature is especially interesting because it is another way that his work explores aspects of hybridity. Finally, in my conclusion I examine the current state of comics in American culture and its future prospects for development and success, as well as the potential for future comics criticism.