The objective of my master's thesis, "Sino-American Ideological Clash: Washington Consensus and Beijing Consensus" is to consider two models of economic development, the Washington Consensus and the Beijing consensus. In the first part, I analyze the discourse that evolves around these two concepts, and I also consolidate the definitions of these terms. Washington Consensus was a set of specific rules for macroeconomic policy of the state. As a result of the ending Cold War, the discrediting of alternative models of economic development and direct link of this model to the financial support from international financial institutions, the popularity of the Washington consensus in the 1990s soared. The democratization of the country was perceived as another unwritten rule. In the wake of the Asian financial crisis of 1997, as well as other crises in developing countries which actively engaged the World Bank and IMF, the term has been largely discredited. It was associated with concepts like 'shock therapy', 'neoliberalism' or 'market fundamentalism'. Meanwhile, the long-term economic growth of China drew the attention of developing countries. In connection with the declining popularity of the Washington Consensus and the global economic crisis, the demand for alternative development policies increased. The...

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Economic reform packages became important for the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) by the 1980s. Mainly as a result of the growing external debt, together with the regional stagnation that began after the second oil shock in the early 1980s, most of the MENA countries were affected by economic crisis. As a response to the economic crises, which also mostly resulted in regime legitimacy crises, many MENA countries initiated economic liberalization programs in cooperation with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. In some of the Middle Eastern states, these economic liberalization processes were followed or accompanied by political liberalization policies. This thesis analyzes the political economy of reform in Jordan between 1989-2002 with reference to globalization. This thesis chooses Jordan as a case study since Jordan has been regarded as a successful case in implementing economic reforms envisaged in the Washington Consensus by the IMF and World Bank, and a country holding prospects for democracy. In this respect, this study seeks to find out why and how economic liberalization reforms were implemented in Jordan. In addition to that, this thesis displays how domestic and external factors affected both the rationale behind and the implementation of economic and political reforms in the country. The basic conclusion of this thesis is that regime survival is the main concern for the economic and political liberalization processes in Jordan.

My thesis explores the conceptual underpinnings of the acclaimed Mexican conditional cash transfer (CCT) program Oportunidades as a way of engaging broader debates about how anti-poverty policy is evolving in the wake of the World Bank’s mid-1990s legitimacy crisis. I am interested in the behaviours and attitudes—or “subjectivities”—that Oportunidades attempts to cultivate amongst participants. Whereas the majority of CCT studies tend to focus on measuring the extent to which the programs “mold” beneficiaries into the categories of being prescribed by the program, my thesis is concerned with specifying and critically examining these categories. I use a hybrid neo-Gramscian, governmentality and critical feminist theoretical framework to probe how Oportunidades beneficiaries are constructed within World Bank and Mexican government discourse, as well as in external program evaluations. I argue that Oportunidades is underpinned by an agent-centred conception of poverty and that the program promotes a kind of gendered market-conducive subjectivity amongst beneficiaries. I conclude by exploring some of the implications of the CCT model. Ma thèse explore les fondements conceptuels du Oportunidades, un programme de transferts conditionnels de fonds (TMC) Mexicain acclamé. J’utilise les TMC comme une ouverture pour élargir le débat sur la manière dont la politique anti-pauvreté évolue dans le sillage de la crise de légitimité à laquelle la Banque Mondiale a fait face dans le milieu des années 1990. Je m'intéresse aux types de comportements et d'attitudes—ou «subjectivités»—que Oportunidades essaye de cultiver chez les participants. Alors que la majorité des études sur les TMC focalisent sur l’évaluation des succès du programme à modeler les participants afin qu’ils entrent dans les catégories de personnes prescrites par le programme, mon but est la spécification et l'examen critique de ces catégories. J'utilise un cadre théorique hybride qui combine néo-gramsciennes, la gouvernementalité et des théories féministes critiques pour enquêter sur la façon dont les bénéficiaires du programme Oportunidades sont construits à l’intérieur du discours de la Banque Mondiale, du gouvernement mexicain, ainsi que dans les évaluations externes du programme. Je soutiens qu’il y a, dans le programme Oportunidades, une conception sous-entendu de la pauvreté centrée sur les comportements des individus et que le programme promeut une subjectivité sexuée des bénéficiaires qui facilite leur participation au marché. Je conclus en explorant quelques implications du modèle TMC.

My thesis explores the conceptual underpinnings of the acclaimed Mexican conditional cash transfer (CCT) program Oportunidades as a way of engaging broader debates about how anti-poverty policy is evolving in the wake of the World Bank’s mid-1990s legitimacy crisis. I am interested in the behaviours and attitudes—or “subjectivities”—that Oportunidades attempts to cultivate amongst participants. Whereas the majority of CCT studies tend to focus on measuring the extent to which the programs “mold” beneficiaries into the categories of being prescribed by the program, my thesis is concerned with specifying and critically examining these categories. I use a hybrid neo-Gramscian, governmentality and critical feminist theoretical framework to probe how Oportunidades beneficiaries are constructed within World Bank and Mexican government discourse, as well as in external program evaluations. I argue that Oportunidades is underpinned by an agent-centred conception of poverty and that the program promotes a kind of gendered market-conducive subjectivity amongst beneficiaries. I conclude by exploring some of the implications of the CCT model. Ma thèse explore les fondements conceptuels du Oportunidades, un programme de transferts conditionnels de fonds (TMC) Mexicain acclamé. J’utilise les TMC comme une ouverture pour élargir le débat sur la manière dont la politique anti-pauvreté évolue dans le sillage de la crise de légitimité à laquelle la Banque Mondiale a fait face dans le milieu des années 1990. Je m'intéresse aux types de comportements et d'attitudes—ou «subjectivités»—que Oportunidades essaye de cultiver chez les participants. Alors que la majorité des études sur les TMC focalisent sur l’évaluation des succès du programme à modeler les participants afin qu’ils entrent dans les catégories de personnes prescrites par le programme, mon but est la spécification et l'examen critique de ces catégories. J'utilise un cadre théorique hybride qui combine néo-gramsciennes, la gouvernementalité et des théories féministes critiques pour enquêter sur la façon dont les bénéficiaires du programme Oportunidades sont construits à l’intérieur du discours de la Banque Mondiale, du gouvernement mexicain, ainsi que dans les évaluations externes du programme. Je soutiens qu’il y a, dans le programme Oportunidades, une conception sous-entendu de la pauvreté centrée sur les comportements des individus et que le programme promeut une subjectivité sexuée des bénéficiaires qui facilite leur participation au marché. Je conclus en explorant quelques implications du modèle TMC.

In order to restart economic growth in Latin America after the so-called "lost decade," most countries in the late 1980s began implementing neoliberal reforms aimed at economic transformation. The most important economic rules, which were summarized by John Williamson and named Washington consensus, aimed at providing macroeconomic stability and much needed economic growth. At first, the transition to market economy seemed successful. After years of economic stagnation, the economy began to grow again, inflation was reduced, privatization provided much needed funds to the state treasuries and the attention of foreign investors turned towards the region. However, the initial success did not last long. Economic growth was far smaller, than what was originally expected, and many countries were failing in dealing with unemployment, poverty, and growing income inequality. Growing scepticism was then fuelled by a series of economic crises in the second half of the 1990s. Comparing the impact of neoliberal reforms on the economies of individual countries is problematic because the way in which they were carried out has differed in many countries. Countries have undergone reforms at different time, different speed and with different intensity. The scope of the implemented reforms also differed. In the...

Avec l’évolution du Consensus de Washington comme fil conducteur, nous montrons que la gouvernance est partie à la reconquête de son caractère politique, caractère que les tenants du « tout marché » lui avaient retiré. Une fois le constat établi d’une gouvernance désormais démocratique, nous analysons les indicateurs produits pour la quantifier. Ces indicateurs sont en majorité des indices de perceptions, ils demeurent imparfaits, parfois biaisés.En nous intéressant à la mesure de la corruption, nous avons mis à jour l’existence d’un biais que nous qualifions de réflectif ou médiatique. La liberté de la presse joue un rôle important sur les perceptions. Nous suggérons que l’indice de perception de la corruption produit par Transparency International pénalise les jeunes démocraties. L’ouverture des médias et une liberté de la presse grandissante, en mettant à jour les actes de corruption jusqu’alors non révélés, influencent les experts de Transparency International qui ont tendance à dégrader leur notation.Récemment, un nouvel outil est apparu pour mesurer la qualité institutionnelle. Si les enquêtes menées auprès des ménages ne sont pas nouvelles en tant que telles, leur systématisation ouvre de nombreuses perspectives. En utilisant le Gallup World Poll nous avons été en mesure d’observer le ressenti des populations concernant la corruption, et ce, à une échelle encore inédite. Nous avons alors été en mesure de comparer les perceptions des ménages à celles des experts. Nous avons alors identifié les déterminants de ces écarts et montré l’influence de facteurs comme la liberté de la presse, la nature du régime politique ou encore la confiance envers les gouvernements. / With Washington Consensus as leit motiv, we show that governance ultimately reaffirmed its political nature which “whole market” supporters tried to eradicate. Once established the now democratic nature of governance, we study the indicators produced to evaluate it. These indexes are mostly perceptions indicators. Thus, they remain unperfected, sometimes biased.Focusing on corruption measurement, we uncovered a media or reflective bias. Press freedom plays an important role on perceptions. We suggest that the Corruption Perception Index, provided by Transparency International (TI) penalizes young democracies. Media aperture, broadcasting corruption deeds so far unrevealed, likely influences TI experts that consequently deteriorate their notations.Recently, a new tool appears to assess institutional quality. If household surveys are not brand new, their systematization opens new perspectives. Using Gallup Worl Poll, we were able to observe population’s feeling towards corruption at a global scale. Thus, we were able to compare population’s and expert’s perceptions. We then identified this gap determinants and put the light on the influence of press freedom, political organization or leadership approval.

Submitted by OSMAR HENRIQUE COSTA PARRA null (costaparra@terra.com.br) on 2018-02-20T17:58:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PARRA - Controle do quê e para quem.pdf: 9884582 bytes, checksum: 93d4470e60263acb52a5dbac96d61780 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Andreia Beatriz Pereira null (andreia.beatriz@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-02-21T13:19:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Parra_OHC_me_fran.pdf: 9884582 bytes, checksum: 93d4470e60263acb52a5dbac96d61780 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-21T13:19:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Parra_OHC_me_fran.pdf: 9884582 bytes, checksum: 93d4470e60263acb52a5dbac96d61780 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-15 / Este estudo se propõe a uma análise de como os Tribunais de Contas brasilei-ros são influenciados por interesses internacionais, utilizando-se de uma abor-dagem funcionalista à qual se agregam elementos históricos, para compreen-são da construção dos vínculos que sustentam essa influência. Os sistemas de controle surgem da necessidade das classes dominantes. O apartamento das estruturas de dominação política (Estado) e econômica (capital), no capita-lismo, originou um tipo de controle focado em aprimorar a gestão (auditorias) e outro em conter irregularidades (Tribunais de Contas), modelo francês, que se apresenta como defensor dos interesses sociais pela garantia da apreensão liberal de limitação do Executivo. No Brasil, que adota esse modelo, os TCs, fortalecidos pela Constituição e pela ascensão neoliberal que se seguiu ao “consenso de Washington” (1989), foram estruturados para implantar a LRF (2000) e um rígido modelo de governança, supostamente como condição para o desenvolvimento, mas que propositalmente dificulta atingi-lo, com a constru-ção de obstáculos institucionais. Submetidos a um processo de planejamento estratégico financiado pelo BID, os TCs se unificam em torno da concepção de que o combate à corrupção, que precede quaisquer outras questões, lhes ga-rantiria reconhecimento social e poder institucional. Caracterizado como “negócio”, o controle externo, submetido à mídia, passa à exposição sistemática de casos de corrupção, enfraquecendo o Estado. Produz-se um consenso que obstrui a percepção da burocracia do controle e da sociedade, tornando invisíveis as questões sociais, contendo o desenvolvimento e garantindo que a maior parcela da arrecadação seja destinada a credores. A ineficácia social desse modelo tende a esgotá-lo, levando a uma inflexão da mídia no sentido de expor também a corrupção dos Tribunais de Contas, cuja intervenção torna-se desnecessária ao neoliberalismo inclusive em razão do novo contexto de alinhamento ideológico direto do Poder Executivo, com provável enfraquecimento do sistema de controle externo. / This study proposes an analysis of how the Brazilian Audit Courts are influ-enced by international interests, using a functionalist approach to which historical elements are added, in order to understand the construction of the bonds that underpin this influence. Control systems arise from the need of the ruling class. The separation of the structures of political (state) and economic (capitalist) domination, in capitalism, originated a type of control focused on improving management (audits) and another on containing irregularities (Courts of Accounts), French model, which presents as defender of the social interests by the guarantee of the liberal apprehension of limitation of the Executive. In Brazil, which adopts this model, the TCs, strengthened by the Constitution and the neoliberal ascension that followed the "Washington Consensus" (1989), were structured to implement the LRF (2000) and a rigid model of government supposedly as a condition for development, but which purposely makes it difficult to achieve it, through the construction of institutional obstacles. Submitted to a strategic planning process financed by the IDB, the TCs unite around the idea that the fight against corruption, which precedes any other issues, would guarantee them social recognition and institutional power. Characterized as a "business", external control, submitted to the media, goes to the systematic exposure of cases of corruption, weakening the state. There is a consensus that obstructs the perception of the bureaucracy of control and society, making social issues invisible, concomitant with development and ensuring that the largest portion of the collection goes to creditors. The social inefficiency of this model tends to exhaust it, leading to an inflection of the media in order to expose also the corruption of the Courts of Accounts, whose intervention becomes unnecessary to neoliberalism even in view of the new context of direct ideological alignment of the Executive Power , probably weakening the external control system.

This thesis explores the manner in which political-economic forces born of democratisation have shaped media developments in Zambia, affected the welfare of journalists and the viability of the state owned press epitomised by the Times Newspapers. The aim is to inform the privatisation policy discourse. Using a political economy analysis, the thesis unveils the historical intimacy between nationalist administrations and multinational business elites and how these forces - often working in collusion - influenced patterns of media ownership, inhibited labour rights and controlled communicative activity – indicative of how the state and markets can constrain freedom of expression and association, despite democratisation. The thesis contends that the uncertainty of neo-patrimonial conditions that characterised the post colonial era has not dissipated to a great extent and continues to undermine media and institutional reform in today’s liberally inclined Zambia. Pervasive clientelism has also compromised popular perceptions of state media systems, subverting competitiveness and the propagandist function of the Times Newspapers in the liberalised market, a point empirically illustrated through the analysis of market and public opinion data. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)

Este trabalho presta-se a analisar a adequação da execução da política monetária pelos Bancos Centrais, com enfoque especial dado ao Banco Central do Brasil e ao arcabouço normativo atualmente em vigor sobre a matéria. A necessidade de desenvolver este tema sobreveio da verificação, especialmente nas duas últimas décadas, de um distanciamento dos Bancos Centrais em relação às orientações do Poder Executivo. O regime de metas inflacionárias, tido como o ideal para orientar a atuação dos Bancos Centrais e assegurar a estabilidade da moeda foi assumido como o objetivo-fim da política monetária, em detrimento das previsões constitucionais acerca da promoção do desenvolvimento equilibrado do País, da busca do pleno emprego e da redução das desigualdades sociais. Para a análise desenvolvida, partiu-se do método histórico, por meio do qual foi possível verificar, a partir do Século XIX até o presente, de que forma os Bancos Centrais surgiram e galgaram posições de relevo enquanto agentes do Estado orientados a intervir na economia para fins de promoção social, especialmente a partir do surgimento e consolidação do Direito Econômico como ciência jurídica legitimadora da intervenção estatal. Em seguida, buscou-se explorar as funções dos Bancos Centrais, os instrumentos dos quais dispõem para o exercício da política monetária e a adequação dos objetivos dessa política no contexto da política econômica desenvolvida pelo Estado. Por fim, passou-se à análise do Banco Central do Brasil no que concerne a evolução da execução da política monetária, paralelamente às conquistas sociais e políticas do país, com especial destaque para as décadas de 1960 e 1990. / This work is to examine the appropriateness of implementing monetary policy by central banks, with particular emphasis given to the Central Bank of Brazil and the regulatory framework currently in force on the matter. The need to develop this theme came to check, especially in the last two decades, from a distance of central banks in relation to Executive guidelines. Inflation targeting system, seen as the ideal to drive central banks actions and ensure currency stability was adopted as the end goal of monetary policy at the expense of constitutional statements upon balanced development of the country, in pursuit of comprehensive employment and the reduction of social inequalities. For the developed analysis, historical method has been adopted which enabled the understanding from the nineteenth century until present days upon how Central Banks emerged and have risen to prominent positions as agents of the Stated driven to intervene in economy for social advancement, especially since the emergence and consolidation of Economic Law and legal science legitimating state intervention. Then Central Banks central banks functions were explored, theirs tools for monetary policy undertaking and the adequacy of such objectives in the context of economic policy developed by the state. Finally, we have assessed Brazil Central Bank in regards of monetary policy implementation development, along with social and political local achievements, with particular emphasis to the 60s and 90s.