This thesis investigates how women's political representation influences foreign aid utilization. While recent contributions show that the impact of foreign aid is highly dependent on the recipient government, there is still limited research on the relationship between women's political representation and aid utilization. Existing work within the research field of female political representation suggests that women are more likely to prioritize resource allocation towards healthcare and education and less likely to prioritize the military. Thus, women’s political representation is predicted to work as a moderating effect on aid utilization, whereby increases in female representation is associated with more aid resources being allocated towards healthcare and education and less to the military. To test the relationship(s) implied, this thesis employs multiple regression analysis on a time series data set of 102 aid-receiving countries from 2000-2017. The hypothesis that women's political representation has a moderating effect on aid utilization could not be supported by the regression analysis. The results do however indicate that female representation in the recipient countries influences government allocation in general.

This research focuses on the role that International Human Rights Law, policy and legislation should play in the protection of the rights of internally displaced children against child marriage. This thesis examines international treaties and domestic laws that purport to prohibit the practice of child marriage with particular attention to laws relating to the protection of internally displaced children (IDPs). / Mini Dissertation (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law of the University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Lana Baydas at the Department of Law, American University in Cairo, Egypt. 29 October 2007 / www.chr.up.ac.za / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The sexual revolution was a movement in the United States that challenged traditional ways of thinking about sexuality. The heart of the revolution was the "radical" idea that women, just like men, had sexual needs and were able to enjoy sex. In the name of the revolution, feminists demanded women’s right to the same sexual freedom as men had been given. The revolution led to the normalization and increased acceptance of sex outside of marriage, as well as birth control. However, despite these achievements, some feminists believed that the achievements occurred at the expense of women.  Although the sexual revolution was intended to lead to female liberation, some people argue that the revolution instead resulted in other forms of female oppression. To investigate this further, this study analyzed three different works of feminists with different views on the revolution and its consequences.  This study will discuss the following topics: pornography and sexualization. These have been analyzed in relation to various theories of autonomy. Finally, this study will discuss how the subjects affects women's rights contained in the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). The questions in this study are answered throughout by using the method of critique of ideas. The method is based on the ideology that the authors themselves claim to defend as their own, in this essay it is the values of feminism. The critique is thus internal in the sense that no other values, other than those already stated in the material, are used in the assessment.  Products that are marketed using the female body are often packaged with feminist messages, which is a well-known paradox in feminism. Women today have achieved some success by being able to represent themselves as sexual subjects, but that does not mean that the sexualization that permeates the culture should be mixed with "girl power" or other feminist slogans. It is time to stop accepting objectification as a symbol of liberation and instead acknowledge it for what it really is, a contradiction. A culture where women are constantly and in various ways being sexualized should be considered a threat to her ability to choose her preferences in an autonomous way. In the same way, a society that is strongly influenced by pornography's notions of male dominance should be considered a threat towards women’s autonomy. States that have ratified CEDAW are required by Article 2 to pursue policies to eliminate discrimination against women and to take measures to promote gender equality. Thus, the affiliated states should take appropriate action in all sectors of society where women are discriminated.

[pt] O presente estudo tem como objeto as particularidades na implementação da Política Nacional de Enfrentamento à Violência contra as Mulheres no contexto local, através da atuação do Centro de Referência de Mulheres da Maré-Carminha Rosa (CRMM-CR), localizado na Vila do João, sub-bairro do conjunto de favelas da Maré, no município do Rio de Janeiro. Considerando a violência de gênero contra as mulheres como um constructo social, histórico e multifacetado que fere os Direitos Humanos das mulheres e gera impactos na vida dessa população no Brasil, o estudo busca identificar como uma política formulada pela esfera federal é implementada no contexto local da Vila do João – Maré. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir da metodologia qualitativa e os instrumentos utilizados para produção de dados foram entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas com 6 profissionais que integram a equipe do CRMM-CR. Os dados produzidos foram analisados a partir de uma perspectiva interseccional, articulando as três categorias fundantes das desigualdades no modo de produção capitalista patriarcal: gênero, raça e classe. Os principais resultados apontam para a necessidade de ampliar a compreensão sobre proteção às mulheres em situação de violência de gênero, olhando não só para violências domésticas e interpessoais, mas também para as violências estruturais, urbanas e aquelas perpetradas pelo Estado. Destaca-se nesse sentido, o papel fundamental do CRMM-CR como porta de entrada para a PNEVC nesse território e articulador da Rede de Atendimento. / [en] This study has as its object the particularities in the implementation of the National Policy to Combat Violence against Women in the local context, through the performance of the Maré-Carminha Rosa Women Reference Center (CRMM-CR), located in Vila do João, sub-neighborhood of the Maré favelas, in the municipality of Rio de Janeiro. Considering gender violence against women as a social, historical and multifaceted construct that hurts the human rights of women and impacts on the lives of this population in Brazil, the study seeks to identify how a policy formulated by the federal sphere is implemented in the local context of Vila do João - Maré. The research was developed from the qualitative methodology and the instruments used for data production were semi-structured interviews conducted with 6 professionals who are part of the CRMM-CR team. The data produced were analyzed from an intersectional perspective, articulating the three founding categories of inequalities in the patriarchal capitalist mode of production: gender, race and class. The main results point to the need to broaden the understanding of protecting women in situations of gender-based violence, looking not only at domestic and interpersonal violence, but also at structural, urban and perpetrative violence by the State. In this sense, the key role of CRMM-CR as a gateway to the NPCVW in this territory and articulator of the Service Network stands out.

This paper is an inquiry into the discourse styles of men and women who work together in a conservative Protestant Christian business. Many conservative Protestant Christian churches teach that the Bible forbids women from holding positions of authority over men. Yet in the communications department of this particular business, women fill the top three management positions, supervising a mixed-gender staff of 15. Research has shown that men and women subconsciously use language markers that indicate personal attitudes toward the same and the opposite genders. This research project draws on that information while it analyzes the oral and electronic discourse of the communications staff. The purpose of this study is to observe whether or not the traditional teachings of conservative Protestant Christian churches has influenced the attitudes of these men and women with regard to women in positions of authority over men in a Christian business. Two staff meetings and a lunchroom conversation were audio taped and transcribed to note oral discourse patterns. One hundred and eleven emails were examined to mark patterns of written discourse. This data was then evaluated against published research in the area of gendered discourse markers. The results indicate that two of the three women in leadership positions over men were comfortable with their positions of authority, but the third woman's discourse patterns showed signs of insecurity. Furthermore, the men in the department did not indicate signs that they seek to exercise power over women, nor did they show signs of difficulty in submitting to the authority of the women. The women staff members, however, showed definite indications of being insecure in a mixed group, and of being meekly subordinate to anyone in authority over them. These results, while helpful, are not definitive in that they do not account for the possibility of other influencing factors, such as personality types, job roles and expectations, age differences, or church teachings on meekness and submission to authority. However, the results of this research indicate that some conservative Christian men are ready for and able to embrace the concept of having women in positions of authority over them, even in a Christian environment, and a few conservative, Christian women are ready to step into those positions. Also from this research it could be concluded that, on the average, conservative women struggle more with the shift of authority than men do. More research would need to be done to address that question fully.

[pt] A organização de movimentos de mulheres rurais durante a década de 1980 trouxe à tona um processo que articulou distintas formas de resistência e mobilização na luta por direitos e pelo reconhecimento do trabalho desempenhado pelas mulheres no meio rural brasileiro. Ao reivindicar o seu reconhecimento como trabalhadora rural e, por conseguinte, denunciar a sua exclusão dos espaços de representação política, tais movimentos mobilizam elementos fundamentais para a compreensão da divisão sexual do trabalho nas áreas rurais bem como dos itinerários que definem trajetórias e formas de socialização política destas mulheres. A partir do estudo do Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas no Oeste do estado de Santa Catarina (MMC-SC) organizado há mais de três décadas, a tese aponta como se dá nesse contexto a conformação de uma luta compreendida como de mulheres rurais e a noção de autonomia como justificativa para a existência de movimentos formados exclusivamente por mulheres surge como um aspecto crucial na luta por direitos. A partir de uma abordagem qualitativa, a pesquisa explora estas relações que envolvem o histórico de ocupação e colonização da região, a divisão sexual do trabalho, as formas de organização e socialização política com o objetivo de compreender como estas são traduzidas em termos de reivindicações para o MMC-SC. Vistas por esse prisma, não privilegiamos a observância de um conflito específico, e sim do tecido social que permitiu a emergência do movimento analisado e do engajamento destas mulheres ao longo dos anos. Tal perspectiva outorga ainda um olhar menos normativo sobre estas experiências do fazer política, distanciando-se de classificações ou tipologias definidas a priori. / [en] The organization of rural women s movements during the 1980s brought to the fore a process that articulated different forms of resistance and mobilization in the struggle for rights and recognition of the work performed by women in rural Brazil. By claiming their recognition as a rural worker and, therefore, denouncing their exclusion from spaces of political representation, these movements mobilize fundamental elements for understanding the sexual division of labor in rural areas as well as the itineraries that define trajectories and forms of political socialization of these women. Based on the study of the Movement of Peasant Women in the West of the State of Santa Catarina (MMC-SC), organized more than three decades ago, the thesis shows how in this context the formation of a struggle understood as rural women and notion of autonomy as justification for the existence of movements formed exclusively by women emerges as a crucial aspect in the struggle for rights. From a qualitative approach, the research explores these relationships that involve the history of occupation and colonization of the region, the sexual division of work, the forms of organization and political socialization in order to understand how these are translated in terms of demands for The MMC-SC. Viewed from this perspective, we do not privilege the observance of a specific conflict, but rather of the social fabric that allowed the emergence of the movement and the engagement of these women over the years. This perspective also gives a less normative view of these experiences of political making, distancing itself from classifications or typologies defined a priori.

For centuries women have experienced domestic violence from men they know, as a consequence of which many turn to public services for support. Traditionally, these services have failed to provide adequate support, yet it is through these interactions with the services that abused women's lives are shaped and defined. Service providers therefore need to hear their voices in order to develop effective support services that enable survivors to 'move on' with their lives. A government initiative ¬- the Supporting People Programme (SPP) - has the potential to ensure that housing support providers develop their services in this manner. The main aim of the SPP is to place service users at the 'heart' of the system through user participation. Whilst this is certainly a step in the right direction, my concern is whether this actually happens or whether services adopt a tokenistic approach to user participation that marginalises and silences women survivors. My primary research question, therefore, is: 'What is the impact of the SPP on women survivors of domestic abuse?¿ Using a research design that included document analysis, observation and semi-structured interviews, I argue that the SPP has the potential to improve the lives of survivors and even to ameliorate, if not eradicate, domestic abuse. However, far from achieving this, the SPP through lack of commitment to ensuring that services actually meet the funding requirement of user participation continues to marginalise and silence the voices of women survivors.

Bakgrund Våld i nära relationer är en global folkhälsofråga. Enligt en WHO-studie har många kvinnor runt om i världen blivit utsatta för olika former av våld från sina partners. Hälsa definieras på olika sätt. Inom vårdvetenskapen definieras hälsa som en balans mellan fysiskt, psykiskt och socialt välbefinnande. Våld kommer vidare i olika former och kan utövas fysiskt, psykiskt, sexuellt och ekonomiskt. Kvinnor är särskilt utsatta för sådant våld. Sjuksköterskor har en viktig roll i att upptäcka och stödja kvinnor som utsätts. Dock finns brister i sjuksköterskors kunskap och självförtroende när det gäller att hantera dessa situationer. Syfte Syftet var att belysa kvinnors hälsa efter att de blivit utsatta för våld av en partner. Metod En icke-systematisk litteraturöversikt har genomförts baserat på 15 vetenskapliga artiklar, som omfattar såväl kvalitativa som kvantitativa ansatser. Artiklarna samlades in från databaserna PubMed och CINAHL genom att använda olika kombinationer av sökord. Artiklarna har alla blivit peer reviewed och genomgått en kvalitetsbedömning med de kriterier som fastställts av Sophiahemmet University för att utvärdera deras vetenskapliga klassificering och kvalitet. Resultat Resultatet sammanställdes under fyra huvudkategorier: fysisk-, psykisk- och social hälsa samt skadliga hälsobeteenden som konsekvens av partnervåld. Resultatet tyder på att våld i nära relation har konsekvenser för alla former av hälsa samt att det leder till skadliga hälsobeteenden. Kvinnans möjligheter att uppnå god hälsa försämras och risken att drabbas av ohälsa ökar av partnervåld. Slutsats Denna uppsats belyste kvinnors hälsa efter våld i nära relationer. Våldet har en negativ påverkan på fysisk, psykisk och social hälsa samt leder till ohälsosamt beteende. Alla inom vården bör kunna möta våldsutsatta kvinnor och erbjuda relevant hjälp och stöd. Denna litteraturöversikt hoppas kunna öka sjuksköterskors medvetenhet om våld i nära relationer och dess breda konsekvenser vilket är nödvändigt för upptäckt, förebyggande, kunskapsspridning och stöd till de drabbade kvinnorna. / Background  Violence in intimate relationships is a global public health issue. According to a WHO study, many women around the world have been exposed to various forms of violence from their partners. Health is defined in different ways. In nursing science, health is defined as a balance between physical, mental and social well-being. Violence comes in different forms and can be practiced physically, psychologically, sexually and financially. Women are particularly vulnerable to such violence. Nurses have an important role in detecting and supporting women who are exposed. However, there are gaps in nurses' knowledge and self-confidence when it comes to handling these situations. Aim  The aim was to shed light on women's health after being subjected to violence by a partner. Method  A non-systematic literature review has been carried out based on 15 scientific articles, which include qualitative as well as quantitative approaches. The articles were gathered from the PubMed and CINAHL databases by employing various combinations of keywords. The included articles have been peer-reviewed and subjected to a quality assessment using the criteria established by Sophiahemmet Univeristy for evaluating their scientific classification and quality. Results  The results were compiled under four main categories: physical health, mental health, social health, and harmful health behaviours as a consequence of partner violence. The results indicate that violence in a close relationship has several bad consequences on all types of health and that it leads to harmful health behaviour, which means that the abused woman cannot achieve good health. Conclusions  This essay highlighted women's health after intimate partner violence. The violence has a negative impact on physical, mental and social health and leads to unhealthy behaviour. Everyone in healthcare should be able to meet abused women and offer relevant help and support. This literature review hopes to increase nurses' awareness of intimate partner violence and its broad consequences, which is necessary for detection, prevention, knowledge dissemination and support for the affected women.

[pt] Os estereótipos de gênero permeiam a vida social sendo, muitas vezes, de difícil percepção, tamanha a naturalização que estes conseguem atingir. Este processo de naturalização ocorre por meio do entendimento de que os atos de fala são meramente descritivos, quando, na verdade, estes são a forma por meio da qual a linguagem constitui a realidade, o que é chamado de ato performativo. Assim, torna-se fundamental o recurso à teoria de Austin, para que, por meio desta, se possa compreender o alcance desses atos de fala. Esses atos performativos foram incorporados pela teoria feminista para desmitificar as identidades de gênero, muitas vezes afirmadas ou com base em uma suposta essência, masculina ou feminina, ou por meio de uma biologização dessas noções. Isto permite entender como a linguagem é constitutiva dos corpos, e também do gênero, ponto fundamental para analisar-se o processo de construção do ideário de mulher e do movimento feminista no Brasil ao longo dos dois últimos séculos. Tendo como marco a Constituição Federal, pilar maior no processo de conquista de direitos na história recente do país, tomam-se por base as discussões travadas ao longo da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, de 1987-1988, para, novamente recorrendo ao arsenal teórico aqui mencionado, explicitarem-se as ideias em torno das noções de gênero que se fizeram presentes naquele debate e as consequências que estas tiveram na luta e constituição de direitos das mulheres. / [en] Gender stereotypes that permeate social life are often difficult to detect, because of the process of naturalization that they can achieve. This naturalization process occurs through the understanding of speech acts that are merely descriptive, when, in fact, they are the means by which language constitutes reality, what is called a performative. Thus, it becomes essential to use Austin s theory, through this, one can understand the scope of these speech acts. These performative acts were merged by feminist theory to demystify gender identities often asserted or based on a supposed essence, male or female, or through a biologization of these notions. This allows us to understand how language is constitutive of bodies, and also the gender, essential to analyse the process of construction of the notion of women and the feminist movement in Brazil over the past two centuries. Starting from the Federal Constitution, bigger pillar in the process of conquering rights in recent history of the country, discussions during the National Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988 are taken for, resorting to the theoretical arsenal herein, emphasize the ideas around the notions of gender that were present at the debate and the consequences they had on the struggle and establishment of women s rights.

The portrayal of women in commercials is intertwined with patriarchal structures and power hierarchies found in Western contemporary society, which stem from the Judeo-Christian binary of a ‘clean/messy’ body as introduced by St. Augustine (354 – 430 CE). This portrayal of women and its effect on their self-esteem, as well as consumerism, have considerable implications for the gender dynamics in modern Western societies. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to explore the interdependent relationship between feminine hygiene product commercials, feminist movements and women’s self-esteem.The goal of this thesis is twofold. First, a multimodal discourse analysis of four advertisements from Always and Venus will be performed to uncover to what extent feminine hygiene product commercials are adjusting their portrayal of the female body according to feminist movements. Secondly, four qualitative semi-structured interviews will be conducted to examine how the portrayal of women in these commercials affect women’s self-esteem. This thesis’ research draws from feminist theories, Representation Theory, Consumer Culture Theory (CCT), and the Hierarchy of Effects Theory (HET).The findings of the analysis imply that the companies have made some adjustments in the way they are portraying women in accordance with the feminist movements. However, both the analysis of the commercials and the interviews imply that more improvements are necessary. The thesis comes to the conclusion that feminine hygiene product commercials can affect the self-esteem of women by creating (unrealistic) norms about how a female body should look and function. / <p>B</p>