Chan Chi Kit. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-213). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / List of figures --- p.vii / Forward --- p.viii / Chapter 1. --- Introduction: democratization of Hong Kong --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- Hegemony: its origins and formation --- p.7 / Chapter i. --- The origins: Gramsci's ideas of Hegemony --- p.8 / Chapter ii. --- Hegemonic formation and ideological interpellation --- p.11 / Chapter iii. --- Discourse analysis and hegemonic formation --- p.14 / Chapter 3. --- Formation of hegemony and public discourse: Arguments and criticisms --- p.20 / Chapter i. --- Public discourse and media representation --- p.21 / Chapter ii. --- Public discourse and social formation --- p.24 / Chapter iii. --- Social formation and discursive struggles: an analytical model to contemplate hegemonic formation in public discourse --- p.32 / Chapter iv. --- Criticisms and implication on resistance strategy --- p.40 / Chapter 4. --- Research questions and methodology --- p.45 / Chapter i. --- Formation of state hegemony in public discourse: an indicator --- p.47 / Chapter ii. --- Methodology: textual analysis and documentation --- p.52 / Chapter iii. --- Sampling of media text --- p.55 / Chapter 5. --- Democratization of Hong Kong: A brief review --- p.61 / Chapter i. --- Establishing the state ideological discourse --- p.62 / Chapter ii. --- Democratization: before and after the handover --- p.63 / Chapter iii. --- Hegemony and Hong Kong democratization --- p.73 / Chapter 6. --- Never be a base of subversion': Chinese state discourse toward Hong Kong --- p.75 / Chapter i. --- Discursive logic of China's state discourse: its background and formation --- p.77 / Chapter ii. --- Discursive strategy of China's state discourse: building up authoritative and professional image --- p.90 / Chapter iii. --- Establishment of China's state discourse: social formation and discursive struggle --- p.110 / Chapter 7. --- Public discourse of Hong Kong: Before and after the handover --- p.128 / Chapter i. --- Power structure and war of position in public discourse --- p.128 / Chapter ii. --- Power structure and war of position in Hong Kong: before the handover --- p.130 / Chapter iii. --- Power structure and war of position in Hong Kong: after the handover --- p.145 / Chapter iv. --- Retreating resistance against China in public discourse --- p.163 / Chapter 8. --- Elaboration of findings and extended discussion --- p.168 / Chapter i. --- Social and discursive formation: application of the analytical model --- p.170 / Chapter ii. --- Application of hegemony and policy implications --- p.184 / Chapter iii. --- Professionals and hegemonic formation --- p.187 / Chapter iv. --- Reflections on this thesis --- p.194 / Chapter 9. --- Conclusion --- p.201 / Reference --- p.206

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2017-11-27T16:26:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Sérgio Roberto Moraes Corrêa - Tese PPGCS 2014..pdf: 11207359 bytes, checksum: ed27ce3c686e6d60e2b86cc10cf90699 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-27T16:26:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sérgio Roberto Moraes Corrêa - Tese PPGCS 2014..pdf: 11207359 bytes, checksum: ed27ce3c686e6d60e2b86cc10cf90699 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-30 / Esta pesquisa analisa as lutas e resistências do Movimento Xingu Vivo Para Sempre (MXVPS) frente ao padrão de desenvolvimento dominante para a Amazônia, focando nos conflitos socioambientais em torno do Projeto de Aproveitamento Hidrelétrico Belo Monte (AHEBM), localizado no sudoeste do Estado do Pará. Para tanto, tomou como base a seguinte questão: as lutas e resistências do MXVPS frente a esse empreendimento hidrelétrico possibilitam identificar projetos de desenvolvimento que se colocam em perspectiva alternativa à hegemônica? Com isso, buscou identificar e analisar em que medida essas lutas e resistências do Movimento sinalizam com uma perspectiva contra-hegemônica. As noções de hegemonia e contra-hegemonia, baseadas em Boaventura de Sousa Santos, lastrearam a perspectiva crítica de análise. Com foco numa abordagem qualitativa, as estratégias metodológicas combinaram pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo, neste caso com ênfase em observação participante e entrevistas semiestruturadas e em profundidade, dando relevo à história oral. Como resultado, foi possível identificar que o AHEBM é a expressão, por meio do PAC, da expansão da fronteira hidrelétrica no movimento de territorialização da dinâmica de acumulação do capital sobre a Amazônia sob forte influência do Estado, em parceria com grandes grupos econômicos, usando de violência institucional e simbólica para levar a cabo seu modelo neodesenvolvimentista. Dessa expansão da fronteira, vem ocorrendo um processo de desterritorialização na Região, o qual se expressa na expropriação, desintegração e precarização dos modos de vida de povos e comunidades tradicionais e camponesas, violando seus direitos fundamentais e pondo sob risco sua proteção física e social, além de comprometer o equilíbrio do ecossistema e do bioma amazônico. Isso caracteriza um processo, além de capitalista, colonialista. Essa expansão da fronteira hidrelétrica, todavia, não vem se dando sem contradições e conflitos, sem lutas e resistências a esse modelo. Seguindo essas pistas e esses sinais de contradições e conflitos, foi possível, também, capturar dinâmicas não hegemônicas (experiências e perspectivas sociais), a partir das resistências e das lutas do MXVPS, que se dão nesse brasil profundo e que ajudam a revelar outras imagens, representações e experiências da Amazônia, do Brasil e do Mundo. / This research analyzes the struggles and resistance of the Xingu Alive Forever Movement (MXVPS) against the dominant pattern of development for the Amazon, focusing on environmental conflicts around the Project Belo Monte Hydroelectric (AHEBM), located in the southwest of Pará. To do so, was based on the following question: the MXVPS’s struggles and resistances against this hydroelectric project possible to identify development projects that arise as an alternative to hegemonic perspective? Thus, we sought to identify and analyze the extent to which these struggles and resistances of this Movement signal with a counterhegemonic perspective. The concepts of hegemony and counter-hegemony, based on Boaventura de Sousa Santos, backed the critical analysis perspective. Focusing on a qualitative approach, the methodological strategies combined bibliographic, documental and empirical research, in this case with emphasis on participant observation and semi-structures interviews and in-depth, giving emphasis to oral history. As a result, we found that the AHEBM is the expression, through the PAC, the expansion of hydroelectric border movement of territorialization in the dynamics of capital accumulation on the Amazon under the strong influence of the state, in partnership with major economic groups, using institutional and symbolic violence to conduct your neo-desenvolvimentista model. This expansion of the border, there has been a process of deterritorialization in the region, which is expressed in the expropriation, disintegration and insecurity of livelihoods and traditional peoples and peasant communities, violating their fundamental rights and putting at risk their physical and social protection, besides disturbing the balance of the ecosystem and the Amazon biome. This characterizes a process, as capitalist and colonialist. This expansion of hydroelectric border, however, does not come without giving contradictions and conflicts, struggles and resistance to this model. Following these lanes and signs of these contradictions and conflicts, it was also possible to capture non-hegemonic dynamics (social experiences and perspectives), as of resistances and struggles of MXVPS that occur deep in Brazil and help reveal more images, representations and experiences of the Amazon, Brazil and the world.

[pt] A presente dissertação busca apresentar breves apontamentos para uma perspectiva neogramsciana da sociedade civil em tempos de globalização. Assim, após discorrer brevemente acerca das perspectivas neogramscianas da economia política global e dos conceitos de sociedade civil e globalização, serão explorados os impactos da globalização das relações sociais nos dois lados que se encontram em embate na sociedade civil. Serão apresentados também alguns dos dilemas enfrentados pela resistência progressista, como a questão da revolução passiva global e do aumento exponencial da coerção no âmbito mundial. Além disso, verse- á as transformações sofridas pelo par conceitual da sociedade civil - a sociedade política - e suas repercussões para os grupos sociais que atuam na sociedade civil. Por fim, será apresentada a importância e a necessidade de uma teoria crítica da economia política global para se pensar formas alternativas de globalização e o papel de Gramsci neste contexto. Ou seja, é exposta neste ponto a importância do legado gramsciano para se pensar não apenas a realidade social contemporânea mas também a sua transformação; daí a relevância de Gramsci também para os ativistas partícipes do movimento altermundialista - em outras palavras, são apresentadas as vantagens de se pensar a economia política global contemporânea a partir de uma perspectiva gramsciana. / [en] This dissertation aims to present some indications for a neogramscian perspective of the civil society in times of globalization. Therefore, after discuss briefly about the neogramscian perspectives of global political economy and the concepts of civil society and globalization, it will be explored the impacts of the globalization of the social relations in both sides that are in struggle in the civil society. It will be presented some of the dilemas facing by the progressive resistance, like the global passive revolution question and the exponential increase of the coertion in the global ambit. Also, it will be studied the transformations suffered by the conceptual pair of civil society - the political society - and their repercutions to the social groups that opetate in civil society. Finally, it will be presented the importance and the necessity of a global political economy critical theory in order to think alternative forms of globalization and the role of Gramsci in this context. In other words, in this point it is exposed the importance of gramscian legacy to think not only the contemporary social reality but also its transformation; this appoint to the reelvance of Gramsci also to the activist from the alterglobalist movement - in other words, there are presented the advantages of think the contemporary global political economy since a gramscian perspective.

Discourse has the power to organize thought—and therefore, to limit imagination. The purpose of this project is to trace the contours of climate change discourse constructed by transnational fossil fuel corporations, to make visible the ideological barriers it creates to imagining post-capitalist alternatives. It is undertaken in the context of a well-established urgency for global collaboration to halt, mitigate, and adapt to the social, economic, and ecological impacts of climate change, and takes as its point of departure the fundamental link between ecological degradation and the capitalist mode of production (with its accompanying imperatives of accumulation and profit), as well as the necessity of counter-hegemonic praxis to pursuing system-transformative change on the scale required for humanity to negotiate the looming crisis in a just and ecologically viable way. Conceptualizing popular media as a discursive battleground in which the voices of corporations (through the evolving mediums of advertisement) are privileged, I employ critical discourse analysis to explore the framing of climate change messages by five major transnational oil and gas corporations, toward developing an analytical framework for the burgeoning climate change movement grounded at the intersection of global corporate capitalism and ecological degradation. Climate change messages included images, videos, and narratives intended for public consumption which spoke to the source, resolution, and/or future of human-induced and climate-related ecological problems. These were drawn from corporate websites, blogs, Facebook and Twitter feeds, and YouTube channels over the course of 2016. As action research, I have undertaken this project with the explicit aim of empowering climate movements – of which I count myself a part – to imagine alternative futures. To contribute to this aim, I have created a media literacy toolkit that links corporate climate change messages with the interests they represent to make visible the dynamics of power that mobilize those interests. / Graduate

This thesis deals with textbooks for the school subject Swedish as a Second Language published during the period of 1995-2005. The target group for the textbooks in Swedish as a Second Language in this study is young people or adults who have immigrated to Sweden. Immigrants and people of foreign origin who live in Sweden are in general structurally subordinated as regards to socioeconomic factors, which connects to the socio-economical segregation problem. Using this as a point of departure the ideology production in the textbooks is studied, mainly from the representations of gender, ethnicity and class. The thesis takes its theoretical departure in the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci’s (1891-1937) concept of hegemony which is based on a mutual understanding between the dominating social classes and the dominated social classes within society. The hegemony is not static but open for negotiation and it is constantly reshaped and renewed. The point of departure is that the teaching materials on the free market are considered to be an arena for ideological struggle, where counter-hegemonic activities occur. The questions posed in the thesis concern which ideologies are produced in the textbooks and the relation between the ideology production and the target group of the teaching materials. The results from the ideology analysis show that the ideology produced in the textbooks varies. The most coherent ideology appears in textbooks which politically connect to the far left and to the Social Democratic party. It is also in these textbooks that the assimilation tendency is the strongest, pertaining to Swedish gender equity and child rearing. One of the textbooks has counter hegemonic content which connects to the anti-globalization movement. In the analysis of the ideological content of the textbooks in relation to the target group it is shown that the expectations are low for them. This is expressed through content relating to the target group concern salary earners and public sector. Focus on entrepreneurship and enterprising is rare and concern famous Swedish companies and trademarks and does not relate to the target group and their provision in Sweden. Thereby the target group is subordinated on the Swedish labour market. The representation also implies in several respects the target group as ignorant. The image of the Swedish homogenous society rests on certain rather hegemonic perception; that is the secular, scientific and rationally built modern society. This representation entails that the multiculturalism that has existed historically and in contemporary society is not acknowledged.

By applying a series of overlapping models it seems possible to account for the crime of 9/11, and its subsequent atrocities, with some degree of certainty. These models, the Propaganda Model, the Pentagon System and Top-Down Democracy, interconnect in ways that enforce the Iron Rule of Oligarchy and its unmitigated mis-use of power. It is, thereby, helpful to consider this complex triad as a Rosetta when decoding the diverse functions of American Foreign Policy and its interaction with the American people. But the synergistic effect of these elements is an imposed Synthetic Hegemony that has powerful historic consequences. In the alternative, its devastating effects on the cultures and peoples of the world are well known.

This study investigates how perceptions vary in athletic trainers regarding issues pertaining to women in the profession. Subjects included 1500 male and 1500 female certified athletic trainers who responded to 44 demographic and perceptions survey items used to determine whether perceptions were different based on the respondent's gender. Results were compared to a previously disseminated survey in 1996 to also determine if perceptions had changed from 10 years earlier. Results regarding the presentation of awards and the attainment of leadership positions in the organization were also compared to actual data collected. The data suggested that males perceptions had not changed, but females' perceptions had changed, in that females perceived that opportunities had improved. Data regarding the number of females who had ascended to leadership positions or had received awards did not support these perceptions, however, and female athletic trainers continue to struggle to obtain equality in both of these areas. Additionally, homosocial reproduction continues to influence the decreased number of women who are hired into various jobs, or advance into leadership positions, maintaining patriarchy in the athletics arena and in the athletic training organizations. Results suggested that because athletic training has been dominated by men since its inception, patriarchy continues to influence the lack of ascension of women into leadership positions and awards recognition. Many women are choosing to leave the profession due to the gender role pressure that they can not sustain a career in athletic training and raise a family. Men's professional sports continue to reject the concept of hiring women to serve as athletic trainers with their athletes, which also continues to preserve a patriarchal environment.

The thesis begins with the question of who were those who appealed to Rome in 230 to provide the pretext for the First Illyrian War. This is followed by an analysis of the mechanics of trade and travel to Greece, and the conditions to be encountered there; also of the honorific inscriptions which provide much of the evidence for the presence. This evidence is then assessed for Delphi, the sanctuaries of Asklepios, Aitolia and other less cohesive presences. The conclusions are in terms of Rome's dealings with Greece up to and including the First Illyrian War, as affected by her allies' presence in Greece. There follows an excursus on the development of early Latin literature, its motivations, themes and relevance in historical context. The period of the Second Punic War is then analysed to see if and how traffic continued to frequent Greece, and how Rome's policy developed from the stance which she had taken in 230. This leads to a consideration of the causes of the Second Makedonian War, and of the differing policies of Flamininus and Scipio Africanus as revealed by their honours, dedications and letters in Greece. The subsequent Italian presence in Delphi, Thessaly, Aitolia, Thrace, the Aigæian, Boiotia and elsewhere is then assessed in its historical context. There is then a broad overview of the presence on Delos throughout the period, with the emphasis on the Syro-Aitolian War and the freeing of the port in 166.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.