Submitted by Sergio Eduardo de Pinho Velho Wanderley (sergiow@tropical.com.br) on 2012-01-09T13:50:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação MEX2010 Sergio E P V Wanderley completa para impressão + ficha + aprovação.doc: 1565696 bytes, checksum: 3a66b92923238ac94750f07f09fff650 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Janete de Oliveira Feitosa (janete.feitosa@fgv.br) on 2012-01-11T18:04:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação MEX2010 Sergio E P V Wanderley completa para impressão + ficha + aprovação.doc: 1565696 bytes, checksum: 3a66b92923238ac94750f07f09fff650 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-01-16T18:43:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação MEX2010 Sergio E P V Wanderley completa para impressão + ficha + aprovação.doc: 1565696 bytes, checksum: 3a66b92923238ac94750f07f09fff650 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-01-16T18:45:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertação MEX2010 Sergio E P V Wanderley completa para impressão + ficha + aprovação.doc: 1565696 bytes, checksum: 3a66b92923238ac94750f07f09fff650 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-07 / A partir de uma perspectiva descolonial das bordas do Sul, este trabalho mostra que, apesar de Alfred Chandler e o brasileiro Celso Furtado terem muito a contribuir para a construção de um campo de estratégia multipolar, foi somente o primeiro que se tornou uma autoridade em gestão estratégica. Ao longo de mais de 50 anos Chandler e Furtado pesquisaram sobre o mesmo objeto, mas a partir de diferentes perspectivas. Contudo, defendemos que suas pesquisas são partes inseparáveis de um mesmo fenômeno, da mesma maneira que modernidade e colonialidade são, e que é necessário a descolonialidade para promover o encontro a que se propõe fazer este trabalho. Chandler defendia nos anos 60 que a grande corporação, liderada pelos gestores, era o grande motor do capitalismo americano; enquanto que no Sul, Furtado argumentava que o estado, através de planejamento e investimento, deveria liderar a saída do Brasil da condição de subdesenvolvimento, a qual lhe fora imposta principalmente pelo Norte. A crise atual da hegemonia americana sugere que devemos recuperar os argumentos de Furtado e discutir a difusão assimétrica do conhecimento e das instituições em administração na América Latina durante o período da Guerra Fria. Neste trabalho propomos uma estrutura com três níveis de análise para reavaliar este (des)encontro entre Chandler-Furtado através de perspectivas independentes: a grande narrativa da Guerra Fria, o conhecimento subalterno e a identidade nacional. Nosso objetivo é promover um mundo multipolar através dos campos da administração e gestão estratégica.

Submitted by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2016-10-08T15:50:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Daniel Pellegrim Sanchez.pdf: 3197587 bytes, checksum: 6cf823b5b4fc8099c4cc45c5f3650a7e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2016-10-08T15:51:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Daniel Pellegrim Sanchez.pdf: 3197587 bytes, checksum: 6cf823b5b4fc8099c4cc45c5f3650a7e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-08T15:51:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISS_2015_Daniel Pellegrim Sanchez.pdf: 3197587 bytes, checksum: 6cf823b5b4fc8099c4cc45c5f3650a7e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-20 / CAPES / Articulado à ideia de Boaventura de Sousa Santos de que o pensamento moderno ocidental é um pensamento abissal, este trabalho propõe verificar a possível persistência de dispositivos de colonialidade oriundos desse pensamento, de divisões da realidade social e de dominação epistemológica nas artes visuais em Cuiabá, problematizando questões relacionadas ao racismo, à exploração e a outros modos de violência ou desumanização. Além disso, tem em vista articular referenciais teóricos e ferramentas para a construção contínua de conceitos, redes e relacionamentos a serem utilizados na expectativa da positivação e construção de aesthesis e subjetividades decoloniais. O estudo das noções de colonialidade e colonialidade da arte, assim como a investigação do fenômeno no circuito da arte em Cuiabá constituem este trabalho. De acordo com Aníbal Quijano (2000), a colonialidade é parte constitutiva da matriz colonial de poder e resulta de uma classificação racial/étnica seguida de hierarquização que se impõe à população mundial e que atua em diversos âmbitos, planos e dimensões, inclusive materiais e subjetivos, da escala e existência social cotidiana. O chamado racismo epistêmico, por sua vez, refere-se à hierarquia de dominação onde os conhecimentos produzidos por sujeitos ocidentais são considerados como superiores aos conhecimentos produzidos por sujeitos não ocidentais. Na arte, essas hierarquizações se dão por meio dos dualismos ―erudito‖ e ―popular‖, ―regional‖ e ―universal‖, entre outros, como também através de categorizações como arte primitiva, naïf, bruta, artesanal, étnica, cabocla, esquisita etc. Em Cuiabá não há nenhum curso de graduação em artes visuais, mas há uma grande quantidade de artistas autodidatas ("populares"); existem poucos equipamentos culturais e, em geral, administra-se o setor com baixo orçamento, quase sem políticas de intercâmbio. A falta de interesse do setor público somada ao direcionamento decorativo ou "espetacular" que o setor privado designa para as artes visuais no circuito local geram obstáculos intransponíveis para alguns artistas, instituindo um mundo à parte, de isolamento, invisibilidade ou, como disse Aníbal Quijano, "um beco sem saída" para aqueles que miram uma trajetória dentro instituições, equipamentos, eventos, circuitos autorizados/oficiais. Circuitos que, salvo algumas exceções, veem o ―sul do mundo‖ como menos capaz, subalterno no que concerne aos seus saberes, técnicas e artes. No que tange ao Brasil, essa hierarquia, com seus valores e procedimentos, é reproduzida internamente nas relações entre o circuito de arte de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro com as outras cidades do país. Inspirados pelo conceito de pensamento único de Milton Santos, denominamos o circuito autorizado/oficial de trajeto único. O paradigma cuiabano das artes, por isso mesmo, gera inúmeras inquietações e angústias que estão a exigir esforços de decolonização e legitimação de modos outros da produção visual. Com isso, propomos, na esteira de Mignolo, conduzir ações orientadas por pensamentos de resistência, por noções como a de "pensamento de fronteira", de "desobediência epistêmica" e de "aesthesis decolonial", que venham desenganchar-nos da obrigatoriedade de trilhar o trajeto único do circuito hegemônico, nos reposicionando, redefinindo, ou seja, constituindo pluri-trajetórias em circuitos outros. / Articulated with the idea of Boaventura de Sousa Santos that modern Western thinking is an abysmal thought, this work proposes to verify the possible persistence of coloniality devices, divisions of social reality and epistemological dominance in the visual arts in Cuiabá, discussing issues related to racism, exploitation and other forms of violence or dehumanization. Additionally, aims to provide theoretical frameworks and tools for the ongoing construction of concepts, relationships and networks to be used to enhance and build decolonial aesthesis and subjectivities. This work is constituted by the study of the notions of coloniality and coloniality of the art, as well as by the investigation of this phenomenon in the art circuit in Cuiabá. According to Anibal Quijano (2000), coloniality is constitutive of the colonial matrix of power and results from a racial/ethnic classification followed by hierarchy that is imposed on the world's population and which operates in several spheres, planes and dimensions, including materials and subjectives of social scale and existence. The so-called epistemic racism, in turn, refers to the hierarchy of domination where the knowledge produced by Western individuals is considered as superior to knowledge produced by non-Western individuals. In art, these hierarchizations occur through the dualisms "classical" and "popular", "regional" and "universal", among others, as well as through categorizations as primitive, naive, crude, handmade, ethnic, cabocla, weird art etc. In Cuiabá there is no undergraduate degree in visual arts, but there are a lot of ("popular") self-taught artists; there are few cultural equipment and generally the sector is administered with low budget, almost without exchange policies. The lack of interest of the public sector plus the decorative direction or "spectacular" that the private sector refers to the visual arts in the local circuit g enerate insurmountable obstacles for some artists, establishing a world apart, of isolation, invisibility or, as Aníbal Quijano said, "a dead end" for those that target a trajectory within institutions, equipment, events, authorized/official circuits. Circuits that, with some exceptions, see the "South of the world" as less able, subaltern with respect to their knowledge, techniques and arts. With regard to Brazil, this hierarchy, with its values and procedures, is reproduced internally in the relations between the Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro art circuit with the other cities of the country. Inspired by the concept of the ―single thought‖ of Milton Santos, we call the authorized/official circuit by single path. The cuiabano paradigm of arts generates many concerns and anxieties that are demanding efforts of decolonization and legitimation of other visual production modes. Thus, we propose, in the wake of Mignolo, to conduct actions guided by resistance thoughts, notions such as "border thinking", of "epistemic disobedience" and "decolonial aesthesis", which will unhook us from the obligation to tread the single path of the hegemonic circuit, repositioning us, redefining, or constituting multi-paths in circuits others.

abstract: Globalization has brought a renewed interest in the discourses of the past and national/ethnic identities that has been reflected in the cultural production and the social sciences around the globe. Historical novel (and their sequel telenovelas), a literary field closely linked to historiography, reflects, and has contributed to (re)shape the discourses of the past and identity in Latin America. Since the first decades of the 19th century until nowadays, Colombian novelists have explored Colombian identity through historical novels. Their plots and characters are highly influenced by new historiographical trends. During the19th and the first half of the 20th century, Romantic and Realist novels were generally constructed over historicist assumption of the past: the belief that it is possible to acquire a completely “objective” knowledge of the past. However, some outstanding Colombian historical novels, such as La Marquesa de Yolombó (1928), challenged this notion of the past. Since the last decades of the 20th century, Colombian historical novels share an attitude toward the past that Linda Hutcheon has defined as Historiographical Metafiction. This approach to history challenges the idea of an objective total history, and emphasizes the importance of the personal experiences, the subjectivity, of their characters and of the narrative voices. Donde no te Conozcan (2007), Trí¬ptico de la Infamia (2016), and Mancha de la Tierra (2014) are three Colombian historical novels written in the 21st century that share this attitude towards history. They question the nineteenth-century interpretations of Colombian history, especially those related to the role of Jews, Moors, Indigenous, Africans, and mestizos in the colonial social dynamics, and, therefore, in Colombian culture. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation International Letters and Cultures 2018

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-05-07T13:59:19Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Marco Túlio de Urzêda Freitas - 2018.pdf: 3481920 bytes, checksum: 803c1baf3a5f188ef30308ec52c8a002 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-05-07T14:00:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Marco Túlio de Urzêda Freitas - 2018.pdf: 3481920 bytes, checksum: 803c1baf3a5f188ef30308ec52c8a002 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-07T14:00:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Marco Túlio de Urzêda Freitas - 2018.pdf: 3481920 bytes, checksum: 803c1baf3a5f188ef30308ec52c8a002 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research aims at investigating the consequences of an experience with queer literacies in the field of language teacher education. Supported by premises of queer theories, literacy studies and critical teacher education, I understand queer literacies as social practices of language use turned to the queering of the dichotomies related to the body, identities and social life in the teacher’s practice. The empirical materials were generated in the meetings of the course Questões de Gênero e Sexualidade no Ensino de Línguas Estrangeiras/Adicionais, conducted by me at the Centro de Línguas of the Universidade Federal de Goiás throughout 2013. Divided into two phases, this course aimed at problematizing the concepts of identity, gender and sexuality in the contemporary world, as well as relating such concepts to language teaching, identifying possibilities for the implementation of queer interventions in different educational contexts. The study is presented as a queer-decolonial research about literacies, as its methodological procedures point to a series of micro-ruptures with colonial standards of knowledge production, especially regarding the epistemological basis of the research, the way its tools were comprehended and used throughout the study, and the relationship between the researcher and the articulators with the reality under analysis. Based on the empirical materials generated through my research diary, a questionnaire, the texts written by the articulators, two reflections about the course, the queer interventions proposed and the final essay produced by the articulators, I intend to reflect on the following questions: How do the articulators comprehend the relations of gender and sexuality in the contemporary world? How do the articulators perform their gender, sexual, and other identities in the discursive practices of the group? How do the articulators relate the academic theories focused on the course to their respective practices? The reflections on these questions make it possible to infer that, despite the complexities that constitue the implementation of queer literacies in contexts marked by inherited conceptions of identity and knowledge, a teacher education experience with queer literacies offer meaningful conditions for teachers to engaje in the making of projects that aim at the queering of the Eurocentric, binary, and colonial character of the official school literacy, creating new repertories and new performances for the teacher’s practice in the field of language teaching. / Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo geral investigar os desdobramentos de uma experiência com letramentos queer no campo da formação de professorxs de línguas. Fundamentado em pressupostos das teorias queer, dos estudos sobre letramentos e da formação crítica de professorxs, entendo por letramentos queer as práticas sociais de uso da língua/gem voltadas ao estranhamento das dicotomias ligadas ao corpo, às identidades e à vida social no fazer docente. O material empírico da pesquisa foi gerado nos encontros do curso de formação Questões de Gênero e Sexualidade no Ensino de Línguas Estrangeiras/Adicionais, ministrado por mim no Centro de Línguas da Universidade Federal de Goiás, no decorrer de 2013. Dividido em duas fases, o referido curso objetivou problematizar os conceitos de identidade, gênero e sexualidade no mundo contemporâneo, bem como relacionar tais conceitos ao ensino de línguas, vislumbrando possibilidades de intervenções queer em diferentes contextos educacionais. O estudo se apresenta como uma pesquisa queer-decolonial sobre letramentos, visto que o seu percurso metodológico aponta para uma série de microrrupturas com padrões coloniais de produção de conhecimentos, especialmente no que diz respeito às bases epistemológicas da pesquisa, ao modo como as suas fontes foram compreendidas e utilizadas ao longo do estudo, e à relação do pesquisador e dxs articuladorxs com a realidade pesquisada. Com base no material empírico gerado a partir do meu diário de pesquisa, de um questionário, dos textos escritos pelxs articuladorxs, de duas reflexões discentes sobre o curso, das propostas de intervenção queer e dos trabalhos finais produzidos pelxs articuladorxs, viso refletir sobre as seguintes perguntas: Como xs articuladorxs compreendem as relações de gênero e sexualidade no mundo contemporâneo? Como xs articuladorxs performam as suas identidades de gênero, sexuais e outras nas práticas discursivas do grupo? Como xs articuladorxs relacionam as teorias acadêmicas focalizadas no curso às suas respectivas práticas? As reflexões sobre tais perguntas nos possibilitam inferir que, a despeito das complexidades que permeiam a implementação de letramentos queer em contextos marcados por concepções herdadas de identidade e conhecimento, uma experiência de formação com letramentos queer oferece condições significativas para que xs professorxs se engajem na implementação de propostas que visem ao estranhamento do caráter eurocêntrico, binário e colonial do letramento escolar oficial, criando novos repertórios e novas performances para o fazer docente no ensino de línguas.

Submitted by Ana Caroline Costa (ana_caroline212@hotmail.com) on 2018-11-14T18:33:21Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Ana Luísa Machado de Castro - 2018.pdf: 2946154 bytes, checksum: 5aafc118a76d805d2c16aae9bdd783da (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-11-19T10:23:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Ana Luísa Machado de Castro - 2018.pdf: 2946154 bytes, checksum: 5aafc118a76d805d2c16aae9bdd783da (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-19T10:23:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Ana Luísa Machado de Castro - 2018.pdf: 2946154 bytes, checksum: 5aafc118a76d805d2c16aae9bdd783da (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation investigates the relations between Brazilian Black Feminism and Human Rights violation/effectiveness processes, based on data received in seven interviews with Brazilian black women from all regions of the country. Focusing in the experience of black women, we expect to enlarge reflections on human rights to empower this tool to promote social justice and confront inequalities. The dissertation is divided in three chapters, in addition to the introduction and final considerations. The first chapter presents a reflection on the hegemonic field of human rights studies, seeking to problematize its main assumptions. Using decolonial theory, we discuss the history of human rights in modernity e use of the modern rights, the idea of human and un-human and about multiple human rights violations of black women. In the second chapter, we will characterize Brazilian black feminism and its participation in processes that involve violation/effectiveness of human rights in the country. We will address to some important milestones of the struggle of Brazilian black women, the relations with feminist and black movements and some theoretical formulations that emerge from these contexts. Finally, in the third chapter, we analyses the voices of the research collaborators. We present the point of view of theses black women on black feminism and human rights violation/effectiveness. / Essa dissertação investiga a relação entre Feminismo Negro Brasileiro e processos de efetivação/violação de Direitos Humanos, com base nos dados recolhidos em entrevistas realizadas com sete mulheres negras brasileiras de todas as regiões do país. Focando na experiência das mulheres negras, buscaremos ampliar as discussões sobre direitos humanos de modo a potencializar esta ferramenta para a promoção de justiça social e enfrentamento das desigualdades. A dissertação está dividida em três capítulos, além da introdução e considerações finais. No primeiro capítulo apresentaremos uma reflexão sobre o campo de estudos hegemônicos de direitos humanos, buscando problematizar seus principais pressupostos. Tendo como lente teórica as contribuições decoloniais, refletiremos sobre a história da invenção dos direitos humanos na modernidade, sobre a noção de humano e não humano incutida neste discurso e sobre as múltiplas violações de direitos humanos das mulheres negras. No segundo capítulo, iremos caracterizar o feminismo negro brasileiro e as especificidades de sua atuação em processos que envolvam efetivação/violação dos direitos humanos no país. Retomaremos alguns importantes marcos da luta das mulheres negras brasileiras, as relações construídas com os movimentos feministas e movimentos negros do país, e as algumas formulações teóricas forjadas a partir destes contextos. Finalmente, no terceiro capítulo serão analisados os dados produzidos a partir das entrevistas realizadas com as colaboradoras da pesquisa. Será apresentado o ponto de vista delas sobre feminismo negro e processos de violação/efetivação de direitos humanos.

Submitted by Franciele Moreira (francielemoreyra@gmail.com) on 2017-09-13T19:43:41Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Marina Dias Dalat Coelho - 2017.pdf: 1973435 bytes, checksum: dcf0e9c1362abb41b06b5200d7deb8d5 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-09-19T14:03:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Marina Dias Dalat Coelho - 2017.pdf: 1973435 bytes, checksum: dcf0e9c1362abb41b06b5200d7deb8d5 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-19T14:03:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Marina Dias Dalat Coelho - 2017.pdf: 1973435 bytes, checksum: dcf0e9c1362abb41b06b5200d7deb8d5 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Little by little, the traditional knowledge associated with biodiversity was invisible and regarded as subaltern by modern society. However, due to its market potential, it has become of great importance for the drug, cosmetic, seed, etc. industries, since these knowledges applied by traditional and local communities became shortcuts to the development of biotechnology, and led to the economy of Lots of time and money in surveys. As a means of regulating access to traditional knowledge, the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) presented a system of negotiations involving the prior consent of communities and the sharing of possible benefits with local and traditional populations. However, when it comes to intellectual property rights over products and processes arising from access to such knowledge, there is a conflict between the CBD provisions and the TRIPS Agreement, an international treaty regulating rights to inventions and patents. In Brazil, as a result of international articulations on the subject, the issue was initially disciplined by Provisional Measure No. 2.186-16 and later endorsed by the recent Law No. 13,123 / 2015, called the Law Biodiversity Framework, which aims to establish legal The commercial use of products derived from traditional associated knowledge and the supposed fair and equitable distribution of the benefits derived from their economic exploitation. However, the Brazilian legal system suffers from numerous criticisms from both the academic and business community, due to the rigor imposed on access to knowledge and genetic heritage; And on the part of NGOs, communities and traditional peoples, who consider that there is a marked favoring of the interests of the great economic groups and an attempt at neocolonialist domination, represented by the old colony that sells the raw material and buys the industrialized product of the industrial powers. In view of this controversy, considering the important and great interest of the communities and traditional peoples on the theme, based on decolonial and foucaltian studies, it is investigated whether the Brazilian legal system of protection of the traditional knowledge associated to biodiversity and the distribution of benefits derived from the Use of these knowledge recognize and include peoples and communities or whether it is a form of perpetuation of colonial practices. / Até pouco tempo os conhecimentos tradicionais associados à biodiversidade eram invisibilizados e considerados subalternos pela sociedade moderna. No entanto, devido ao seu potencial mercadológico, passou a ter grande importância para as indústrias de fármacos, cosméticos, sementes, etc, já que esses saberes aplicados pelas comunidades tradicionais e locais se tornaram atalhos para o desenvolvimento da biotecnologia, e propiciaram a economia de muito tempo e dinheiro em pesquisas. Como forma de regulamentar o acesso aos conhecimentos tradicionais a Convenção de Diversidade Biológica – CDB apresentou uma sistemática de negociações envolvendo o consentimento prévio das comunidades e a repartição de eventuais benefícios com as populações locais e tradicionais. No entanto, quando se trata dos direitos de propriedade intelectual sobre os produtos e processos oriundos do acesso a esses saberes, há um conflito entre os dispositivos da CDB e o Acordo Trips, tratado internacional que regulamenta os direitos sobre invenções e patentes. No Brasil, em decorrência das articulações internacionais sobre a temática, a questão foi disciplinada inicialmente pela Medida Provisória nº 2.186-16 e referendada posteriormente pela recente Lei nº 13.123/2015, denominada de Marco Legal da Biodiversidade, que visa o estabelecimento dos marcos legais quanto ao uso comercial dos produtos oriundos dos conhecimentos tradicionais associados e a suposta repartição justa e equitativa dos benefícios derivados da sua exploração econômica. No entanto, o sistema jurídico brasileiro sofre inúmeras críticas, tanto por parte da comunidade acadêmica e empresarial, em razão do rigor imposto ao acesso aos conhecimentos e ao patrimônio genético; quanto por parte de ONGs, comunidades e povos tradicionais, que consideram existir um favorecimento acentuado dos interesses dos grandes grupos econômicos e uma tentativa de dominação neocolonialista, que vende a matéria-prima e compra o produto industrializado das potências industriais. Diante deste controvérsia, considerando a importante e grande interesse das comunidades e povos tradicionais sobre a temática, fundamentando-se em estudos decoloniais e foucaltianos, se investigou se o sistema jurídico brasileiro de proteção aos conhecimentos tradicionais associados à biodiversidade e a repartição de benefícios derivados do uso desses saberes reconhecem e incluem os povos e comunidades ou se ao contrário disso contribui para a manutenção das práticas coloniais.

The subject of 'independence' of the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) has emerged as a key issue in post-apartheid South African public discourse. While the importance of 'independence' has rarely been questioned, the term's meaning has been subject to fragmented understandings and vague interpretations. This thesis explores the origins of divergent conceptions of 'independence', examining how these conceptions are constructed by staff within the SABC. The central task of this thesis is to critically examine the contested concept of 'independence' a task it accomplishes by engaging with issues of power, knowledge and identity. To this end, the thesis reveals that the neo-liberal policies imposed by the Washington Consensus play a significant role in shaping conceptions of 'independence' through their power to dictate policy in countries in the Global South, including South Africa. This power, exercised through dominant Washington Consensus institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), inform knowledge and identities at a local level through the adoption of neo-liberal macro-economic strategies, such as Growth Employment and Redistribution (GEAR). As a result, there is no local without the global. The engagement with issues of power, identity and knowledge and their relationships to how 'independence' is understood ensures that meanings of 'independence' are contested and that 'independence' is not an immovable edifice. 'Independence' is only a product of an evolving matrix, in which the staff of the SABC, who are divided into four different tiers, construct their own interpretations of 'independence', shaped by their understandings of both organisational and external factors, such as politics and advertisers, in relation to their work. Using data from interview respondents and an analysis of key public policy documents, this thesis presents two key processes that influence understandings of 'independence' and, therefore, link the SABC to the larger external socio-political environment. These two key factors, the commercialisation of the SABC and the African National Congress (ANC) power struggles have helped to shape the four conceptions of 'independence' advanced in this thesis: namely, the legalistic, anti-establishment, political and professional conceptions of 'independence'. At the core of this thesis are two questions: How do staff within the SABC construct and understand the meaning of 'independence' of the SABC, and what has influenced these conceptions in post-apartheid South Africa? Consistent with these research questions, the thesis is located within the interpretive tradition, since it seeks to understand the world of the SABC through the lens of its staff. To complement the interpretivist approach, the thesis situates the SABC and its understandings of 'independence' within the wider South African context, in which the meaning of 'independence' should also be understood as being inextricably intertwined with and a product of the shifting developmental state of the macro-economic environment. The critical political economy of the media is, therefore, used as an explanatory framework for understanding how the macro-worlds of politics and economic strategies intersect within the micro-world of the SABC to shape conceptions of 'independence'. The thesis concludes by arguing that it is not a strong and domineering state that seeks to control public service broadcasting; instead, it is a weak state that does so because of a need to curtail public discourse, which might present a threat to its own existence if left uncontrolled. As a result, it is difficult to separate the SABC from the state and, for that reason, the role of the public service broadcaster (PSB) is tied to the national narrative which itself is tied to the larger global matrices of power.

Turkey and its authoritarian policies are in the headlines: the topic of Syrian refugees and the EU – Turkey deal, gross human rights violations, repression against opposition parties, and last but not least the withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention in March 2021. Heavy protests of feminist activist groups are demanding the end of gender-based violence and femicide.Against this background, the thesis investigates the reasons for the rapidly rising number of femicides in Turkey since 2008. It is argued that femicides are not isolated, individualized acts. Rather, they need to be grasped by the present social, political, and gendered context of Turkey. A contextual intersectional analysis is applied to examine the multifaceted and multilayered political phenomenon of femicides.The analysis reveals that femicides are not caused by single-issue factors, but rather by a variety of interlocking determinants such as deeply entrenched gender roles and patriarchal structures, gender-based violence, the regulatory landscape and the creation of political conditions that institutionalize gender hierarchy and violence.The unique contribution of this paper is the adoption of a decolonial view that incorporates a view to the resistance practices embedded into practices of repression and violence.

This study investigates the representation of post-apartheid discourses and decolonial messages of The Thinker magazine. It further examines how the magazine in question confronts and negotiates the aftermath of apartheid and coloniality. Particularly, the nature of these discourses and narratives in the context of a new dispensation in South Africa. South Africa experienced the brunt of apartheid and it is currently still grappling with the condition of coloniality. The latter manifests itself into the dimensions of power, knowledge and being. For this reason, a de-linking option from coloniality and apartheid becomes imperative if a new consciousness, liberatory trajectory and social justice are to be attained. Accordingly, the study sought to determine whether African Renaissance could be used as a de-linking tool/option. Taking into account The Thinker‘s messages from the year 2010 to 2016, the study examines whether the magazine promotes a decolonisation narrative. The study sought to provide a contribution to knowledge insofar as discourses of decoloniality and social justice in South Africa are concerned. The study employs a cultural studies lens, in particular, the principle of radical contextualism and Steward Hall’s model of articulation. Cultural studies was used because of its transdisciplinary/interdisciplinary and flexible approach to social phenomenon under study. A mixed-methods approach in the form of a sequential transformative design was employed, however, the qualitative aspect (thematic analysis) was prioritised as dictated by the research question and objectives. It was proven in this study that quantitative elements can be applied successfully within a decolonial inquiry. Hence, the methodological contribution of the study in that regard. The study found that The Thinker highlights the continuation of the atrocities of coloniality and apartheid in post-apartheid South Africa. It is thus suggested by the text that a decolonial trajectory and thinking is needed given the aftermath of apartheid and the condition of coloniality. Furthermore, African Renaissance can be used to reaffirm and repudiate the dominant discourses of coloniality and apartheid if employed authentically by its proponents. However, the text points out the challenges that may hinder the processes of decolonization and liberation such as the self-serving and corrupt leadership that perpetuate the status quo at the expense of the interests of the people. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication)

In 2016, An estimated 15,000 people representing 400 Indigenous Nations and non-indigenous allies gathered at the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in solidarity against the Dakota Access Pipeline to protect Mni Sose, the Missouri River. They became known as the Water Protectors. This dissertation analyzes the response in environmental philosophy journals to the #noDAPL protest at Standing Rock. Even though the Stand at Standing Rock became one of the most important and monumental environmental protests of the last decade, neither Standing Rock nor the Water Protectors appear in environmental philosophy journals at all--not once. Why? I suggest a possible answer by exploring the Stand of the Water Protectors as a moment in a much longer continuous history of resistance to settler colonialism. Settler colonialism attempts to facilitate the erasure of Indigenous populations by colonial ones, in order to gain access to territory—to land. The omission of Standing Rock from environmental philosophy journals represents the ease with which environmental philosophy can become complicit in the project of settler colonial erasure and replacement through absence. Drawing on Indigenous land-based philosophies of kinship, Latin American decolonial philosophy, settler colonial theory, and frameworks of Indigenous environmental justice, I show how the geo-politics of colonialism have come to produce environmental injustice and planetary ruin. I work to break the silence on Standing Rock in environmental philosophy and allow the Water Protectors example to guide the project toward an environmental philosophy which centers colonialism and Indigenous resurgence as core concerns.