The purpose of this study is to understand to what extent and how anti-immigration disinformation was utilised in Swedish online news media before the 2018 Swedish national elections. Disinformation is intentionally misleading or false information that benefits the creator and aims to influence how people think, feel and act regarding a certain issue. The analytical framework used in this study was based on theory and previous research. Disinformation can adopt different strategies: constructive, disruptive or distractive. Research also suggests that disinformation can be categorized into different types: fabrication, manipulation, misappropriation, propaganda, satire and parody. This study analyzed 123 articles from different online news media from ten days before the election up until election day. Using qualitative content analysis this study showed that 20 percent of the articles contained anti-immigration disinformation. All of those articles were found in far-right online news media where almost 50 percent of the published articles during the examined time period contained disinformation. All different types were found, but misappropriation, fabrication and propaganda were most common. About half of the articles containing disinformation used a constructive strategy and about one third used a disruptive strategy. A bit more than one third of the articles had a combination of two or more types and strategies. The results indicate that disinformation can indeed constitute a problem, especially for those who seek information on far-right platforms. This study unveils a polarized debate on immigration with a lion's share of the disinformation coming from far-right online news media, while the mainstream media only publish very few critical articles on immigration. As research shows that a negative framing of immigration can affect attitudes, and by extension voting behaviour, further research to examine the effects of anti-immigration disinformation on voter behaviour and election results is needed. Especially in light of a diminished trust in democratic institutions, a growing demand for populism and increasing support for anti-immigration parties.

This thesis investigates a cultural logic of information. In a world saturated with information, how is representation defined, and what kinds of boundaries does it consequently set up for establishing what can be known? I argue that a cultural logic of information articulates a common cultural definition for representation: information is understood as either a “true” representation of reality, or a substitute for reality itself. As a result, information comes to be conflated with knowledge. But, in contrast to calls (scholarly and otherwise) to police the boundaries of information, I argue 1) that information is exceedingly difficult to separate, in kind, from storytelling, because 2) the provision of information almost always entails scrambles for narrative representation, which 3) are always staged in the terms of genre. The function of these conclusions is the constant undermining of this cultural logic. I examine the intersection of a variety of cultural and theoretical objects, including: Fox News and “Make America Great Again”; scientific modelling of climate change; Claude Shannon’s mathematical theory of communication; Karl Ove Knausgaard’s My Struggle; YouTube “lifestyle” communities; and the documentary “The Act of Killing.” I suggest that a methodology that accounts for the imbrication of information and storytelling better accounts for the vicissitudes of, and ideological struggles over, these cultural phenomena. It does so, in particular, by engaging with the subjective experience of information, and assessing how subjects imagine their relations to information and to networks. The purpose of this argument is to intervene in conversations about the articulation of life in control societies. / Graduate / 2021-06-20

Esta investigación busca verificar el tipo de contenido que hay en la información compartida a diversos usuarios por medio de la red social de Twitter, a través de la cuenta @CMHNTM, la cual tiene las siglas del movimiento conservador Con mis hijos no te metas. Después que se diera a conocer el nuevo plan curricular de educación en el año 2017, hubo varios desacuerdos por parte de diversos grupos conservadores, quienes aseguraban que el gobierno peruano quería imponer la ideología de género en el país. Este estudio tiene como objetivo verificar cual es el porcentaje de desinformación y posverdad que hay en los tweets publicados durante los primeros 3 meses del año 2017 por parte del movimiento Con mis hijos no te metas. Y de esa manera, evidenciar la manipulación de información que hay en estas cuentas de Twitter, las cuales serán adquiridas y catalogadas según las clasificaciones de las tablas que se han diseñado para este estudio. / This research seeks to verify the type of content that is in the information shared with various users through the Twitter social network @CMHNTM account, which has the initials of the conservative movement. With my son do not mess. After the new education curriculum plan was unveiled in 2017, there were several disagreements by various conservative groups, who claimed that the Peruvian government wanted to impose gender ideology in the country.This study aims to verify what is the percentage of misinformation and post-truth that is in the tweets published during the first 3 months of 2017 by the movement “Con mis hijos no te metas”And in this way, demonstrate the manipulation of information that is in these Twitter accounts, which will be acquired and cataloged according to the classifications of the tables that have been designed for this study. / Trabajo de investigación

[pt] A internet se tornou um vasto terreno de pesquisa e fonte de informação e também uma poderosa ferramenta de lucrativa desinformação e propaganda. Silverman (2016) verificou que três meses antes das eleições americanas de 2016, as 20 informações falsas mais compartilhadas somaram um total de 8.711.00 de compartilhamentos em contraponto às 20 notícias mais compartilhadas publicadas por jornais como The New York Times, NBC News e outros, que tiveram 7.367.00 compartilhamentos. Segundo o Índice Global de Desinformação (GDI, na sigla em inglês) a desinformação é um mercado de pelo menos 235 milhões de dólares em publicidade online. É o que estima estudo de 2019, que acompanha o alcance e os efeitos da desinformação no mundo. Esta é a receita estimada dos 20 mil sites de diversos países classificados como desinformadores pelo GDI. Essa receita com publicidade foi auferida por meio de uma tecnologia chamada propaganda computacional ou mídia programática, que automatiza leilões de espaços publicitários em sites em tempo real. O presente trabalho procura, a partir do método dialético de Marx, tecer considerações sobre desinformação, esclarecendo termos como fake news, pós-verdade, misinformation e disinformation para compreender os impactos do fenômeno e buscar compreender a quem interessa desinformar. Compreendemos que a desinformação, em muitos casos, tem o objetivo de trazer lucro a quem a dissemina. Com base no estudo publicado pelo Oxford Internet Institute, da Universidade Oxford, procuramos mensurar a lucratividade dos sites de desinformação brasileiros, indicados pelo site jornalístico independente de verificação de fatos Aos fatos, e utilizando a mesma plataforma de gestão de visibilidade online, SemRush, que o instituto usou para mensurar os dados, e comparamos com sites de jornalismo de referência (Aguiar, 2018). Dissertamos também sobre a legislação que começa a ser construída no Brasil em relação à desinformação. / [en] The Internet has become a vast field of research and source of information and also a powerful tool of lucrative disinformation and propaganda. Silverman (2016) found that three months before the 2016 American elections, the 20 most shared false information totaled a total of 8,711,00 shares in contrast to the 7,367,00 shares of the 20 news articles published by newspapers like The New York Times, NBC News and others. According to the Global Disinformation Index (GDI), disinformation is a market of at least 235 million dollars in online advertising. This is what the 2019 study estimates, which follows the reach and effects of disinformation in the world. This is the estimated revenue of the 20,000 sites classified as uninformed by the GDI. This advertising revenue was earned through a technology called computer advertising or programmatic media that automates auctioning of advertising space on websites in real time. The present work seeks, from Marx s dialectical method, to weave considerations about misinformation, clarifying terms such as fake news, post-truth, misinformation and disinformation to understand the impacts of the phenomenon and seek to understand who is interested in misinformation. We understand that disinformation, in many cases, aims to bring profit to those who disseminate it. Based on the study published by the Oxford Internet Institute of Oxford University, we seek to measure the profitability of Brazilian disinformation sites, indicated in the article of the independent journalistic fact-checking website, To the facts, and using the same online visibility management platform, Semrush, that the Institute measured the data and comparing with reference journalism sites (Aguiar, 2018). We also discuss the legislation that is beginning to be built in Brazil in relation to disinformation.

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The thesis follows up a topic of fake news within the borders of Czech Republic. This frequently discussed phenomena is often linked to the pro-Kremlin propaganda, whose aim is to evoke fear across the citizens, as well as raise distrust towards reigning authorities, western institutions, a functionality of liberal democracy and at last but not least - distrust towards public media and mainstream media in general. This is being achieved by production of fake news, also known as fictive, false or manipulative articles, that are being spread through the social media. Despite its low credibility the news often make their way into the public discussion, forming the general opinion and as a result affecting many political decisions. In order to follow this topic up further, I will put in use the Adam Klein's concept, also known as information laundering.This concept describes the ways how these hateful articles, personal opinions and straight up false news are getting legitimised within the online world and subsequently spread through the social media under the disguise of respectable journalism. The thesis is aiming to map out the entire sphere of fake news media, its websites and Facebook and YouTube social profiles as well as describe individual aspects of the entire mechanism using quantitative analysis. In...

La presente investigación examina los mecanismos en que se puede evidenciar la desinformación y la posverdad en el periodismo de opinión. Para abordar este tema, se elabora un instrumento que identifica estos mecanismos en el contenido de las columnas de opinión de Aldo Mariátegui y Luis García, en los diarios Perú21 y Expreso respectivamente, que tratan sobre el segundo proceso de vacancia contra el expresidente Pedro Pablo Kuczynski desde que este proceso empezó hasta un día luego de que el presidente Martín Vizcarra entrara al cargo. El primer capítulo se dedica a la explorar el origen de la posverdad en la desinformación, así como a analizar qué elementos estos comparten y cómo se ha dado su traspase de uno al otro. Asimismo, se delimitan los mecanismos de la desinformación y posverdad que se relacionan al periodismo de opinión: falacias como la ad populum, la afirmación gratuita y la generalización precipitada; así como términos de descalificación personal y referencia a noticias falsas. En el segundo capítulo se explora y se da un recuento del estado del periodismo de opinión en Perú. Posteriormente, se elabora un instrumento para examinar las columnas escogidas, y se analizan los hallazgos de ese proceso. Estos hallazgos nos revelan que en las columnas analizadas se podía advertir que el uso de estos mecanismos de la desinformación y posverdad, falacias y términos de descalificación personal, reemplazaban la argumentación necesaria para sostener sus posturas. / The following research examines some mechanisms that can show the presence of disinformation and post-truth in opinion journalism. To address this issue, it develops an instrument that helps to identify these mechanisms in the content of the opinion columns of Aldo Mariátegui and Luis García, in the newspapers Perú21 and Expreso respectively, that comment on the second impeachment process against former President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski. The period of analysis took place since the process started until one day after President Martín Vizcarra took office. The first chapter explores the origin of post-truth in disinformation, as well as analyzing what elements they share and how they have transferred from one to the other. Likewise, the mechanisms of disinformation and post-truth that are related to opinion journalism are delimited: fallacies such as ad populum, gratuitous affirmation and hasty generalization, as well as name-calling (adjectives of personal disqualification) and reference to fake news. In the second chapter, this research explores the context and state of opinion journalism in Peru. Subsequently, an instrument is developed to review the chosen columns and analyse the findings of this process were discussed. These findings reveal that in the opinion columns that were analyzed, the use of these disinformation and post-truth mechanism, as fallacies and name-calling (adjectives of personal disqualification), replaces the arguments needed to defend their stances. / Tesis

La pandemia del covid19 ha evidenciado una realidad en los periódicos mundiales: la fortaleza de la web. El papel y tinta han ido, con el pasar de los años, alejándose de los fieles lectores quienes fueron migrando a la par del boom tecnológico hacia el ciberespacio. Las ventajas que ofrece esta multiplataforma hacen que el contenido pueda ser mucho más rico y los periodistas tengan la función de informar usando diferentes lenguajes. La avalancha de la información en las redes hace que los medios de comunicación tengan una lucha contante con los fake news y desinformación, pero esto ha generado también un consumidor mucho más activo y que, en muchos casos, produce gran parte de esta información. Con todo ello, se busca analizar los retos y posibilidades de los medios actuales tomando el caso de Perú21, medio local que ha evidenciado una fuerte presencia en redes sociales y que, desde su aparición en el año 2000 ha ido adaptándose a las exigencias de la nueva era informática. Bajo esta línea, estamos frente a una nueva realidad no solo de vida social, sino también informativa. La publicidad, smartphones y usuarios han encontrado en la web un formato mucho más amigable, más extenso y con mayor espacio para el debate. Esto nos lleva a estar a puertas de una manera distinta de consumir la información diaria. Los tabloides y tintas han quedado como un recuerdo con mucho sentimiento, no solo para los lectores, sino también para los periodistas. Es hora de darle la bienvenida a la nueva manera y forma de hacer periodismo: el ciberespacio. / Since the creation of the World Wide Web in the 1990, things have change dramatically for the news media. Every single outlet needed a web page, to the point that Internet is the main source to read news in the World today. Moreover, the creation of social media started the democratization of the news environment, a new one where everybody could be a journalist. The published newspaper is in dire straits, the profession questioned, sources of income -like advertising- are no longer secure. Even worse, the covid-19 pandemic has taken all this to the extreme. Therefore, thousands of media sources have closed, and the use of Artificial Intelligence is taking the jobs of the average journalist. This situation has been addressed with creativity by outlets like The New York Times and El País, focusing in quality and reader loyalty. In Peru, this transformation has affected all its traditional media and the way they present news. This investigation addressed the effect, the changes and the possibilities of Peru21, the first newspaper to embrace the Web in the country, and their change of strategy to engage with the public and generate revenues, especially due to the 2020 pandemic. / Trabajo de investigación

The master's thesis deals with disinformation websites' migration crisis framing regarding the Czech Republic. The thesis is based on the theory of social constructivism, which considers a speech act to be a crucial factor of securitization. The author proceeds mainly from the work of Thierry Balzacq, who reckons media to be the main securitization actors. The theoretical base of this thesis is supplemented by the theory of moral panic, which comes into being due to impact of securitization of particular person/group/institution. The thesis researches the way how migration crisis was securitized from 2015 to 2016. Therefore content analysis and discourse analysis are used. The articles, which are subjected to the research were published by Parlamentni listy, Sputnik and Aeronet. Articles were subjected to content analysis so as the author was able to find out which keywords emerged most frequently. Particular phrases were linked to specific themes, which consisted of "Security", "Criticism of government" and "National identity". After the quantitative analysis, the articles were subjected to qualitative analysis based on James Paul Gee's method, which allows the author to understand the used discourse and the context, within which the discourse emerged. Particular articles are then researched...

of diploma thesis ‚Seek Russians behind everything: Critical research of "Russian disinformation campaign" discourse in the Czech republic'. Author: Bc. Adam Čech Supervised by: Dagmar Rychnovská, M.A., LL.M., Ph.D. Study programme: International relations Year of work defence: 2019 This study researches the "Russian disinformation campaign threat" discourse, that was established in the Czech republic since 2014. The study utilizes a method termed for the purpose of this work as "lesser discourse analysis". It explores the origins and influences that played a role in creation of a specific understanding of the topic. Subsequently it engages in a critical analysis of the discourse and assesses whether the understanding of the Russian hybrid threat, especially regarding the disinformation, is legitimate and based on known facts and correct interpretation of them, or whether it is not (partially) based on delusions, myths, logical shortcuts, misinformation (or possibly disinformation) on part of the creators and active participators of the discourse. The study also presents a set of recommendations to "straighten" the discourse on this important topic. The study engages in analysing of the process of the agenda-setting regarding the topic through the lenses of "securitization theory ". It identifies...