Le but de la recherche est d'identifier la stratégie de l'Union européenne dans le cadre du règlement des différends à l'OMC et de déterminer le rôle que jouent les différends commerciaux internationaux au niveau interne communautaire. La spécificité de la participation de l'UE par rapport aux autres Etats membres de l'OMC et les raisons de sa participation sont étudiées plus particulièrement dans le cadre d'une réflexion sur la manière dont les litiges internationaux s'inscrivent dans sa politique externe. Nous analysons en outre l'apport des litiges de l'Union européenne dans le développement du droit international. Le travail est articulé autour de deux axes qui contribuent à l'étude de la cohérence de la stratégie de l'UE au sein de l'ORD.Les politiques de l'Union européenne sont fréquemment mises en cause devant l'Organe de règlement des différends de l'OMC. L'UE utilise les litiges commerciaux internationaux comme un instrument de sa politique commercial, notamment dans le but de promouvoir à l'international ses valeurs non-commerciales et les intérêts primordiaux, ainsi que pour défendre son acquis historique selon les lignes directrices de ses politiques. Ces ambitions de l'Union expliquent la particularité de ses litiges commerciaux internationaux. La première partie analyse la nature spécifique des litiges commerciaux internationaux de l'UE et vise à répondre à la question de savoir par quels moyens l'UE essaye d'imposer son expérience de libéralisation des échanges au niveau international (Partie I).Dans la seconde partie nous procédons à l'analyse du choix des modalités de règlement de différends par l'Union en fonction de différents critères. Ainsi, le mode de règlement d'un différend dépend des parties impliquées dans le conflit et des enjeux en cause. En outre, nous examinons si les conditions institutionnelles de sa participation au règlement des différends commerciaux et les mécanismes spéciaux de la PCC existant au sein de l'UE sont compatibles avec les exigences du droit de l'OMC, et s'ils sont par conséquent « rentables » pour la défense efficace des intérêts de l'UE tant commerciaux que non commerciaux (Partie II). / The main purpose of the research is to identify the European Union's strategy in the Dispute Settlement Body of the WTO and to determine the role that international trade disputes play on the European level. Particularly, the EU participation specificity, compared to other Members of the WTO and the reasons for its involvement, are examined in the frame of an analysis on the manner in which international disputes inscribe into its external policy. We also analyze the EU disputes contribution to the development of international law. The research articulates around two main parts which contribute to the study of coherence of the EU strategy in the DSB.EU policies are frequently attacked in front of the DSB. The EU uses recourse to international trade disputes as an instrument to promote to the international level its non trade values and essential interests and to defend its historical acquis according to main directions of its policies. These EU ambitions explain the specificity of its international trade disputes. The first part of the research analyses the particular nature of international trade disputes of the EU and intends to answer the question to know by what means the EU tries to impose its own experience of trade liberalization onto international level (Part I).In the second part we are analyzing the EU choice of modes of dispute settlement depending on different criteria. So, the dispute settlement means depends on the parties to the conflict and the stakes of the dispute. We also examine if institutional conditions for its participation to settlement of international trade disputes and special mechanisms of Common Commercial Policy existing in the EU are compliant with WTO law requirements, and if they are consequently profitable for efficient defense of the EU trade and non trade interests (Part II).

A partir da década de 1990, dois processos político-econômicos alteraram o modo de produção da política externa brasileira e a relação do país com as organizações internacionais do comércio. No âmbito doméstico, igualmente influenciado pelo sistema internacional pós Guerra-Fria e de retorno gradual aos preceitos democráticos na América Latina, procedeu-se a politização da política externa por meio do fortalecimento das instituições democráticas, da organização dos grupos de interesses em associações autônomas e pela abertura de múltiplos canais de comunicação entre essas associações e as agências governamentais que, para além do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, adentraram o processo decisório de produção da política externa. No âmbito internacional, tanto regional quanto multilateral, as organizações internacionais do comércio alicerçadas em princípios não-discriminatórios avançaram a “legalização” dos seus sistemas de solução de controvérsias por meio da fixação de normas e procedimentos judiciais obrigatórios, que implicou a internacionalização da política doméstica. Esse dois processos estão vinculados pelo papel fundamental conferido às instituições democráticas na formulação da política externa do Brasil e na responsabilidade pela implementação das decisões internacionais provenientes dos órgãos de solução de controvérsias que o país participa. Os confrontos entre a indústria multinacional de pneus novos instaladas no Brasil e a indústria de pneus reformados brasileira, mercosulina e européia, cada um transcorrido em âmbitos próprios – nacional, regional e multilateral –, mas reciprocamente relacionados, põem em evidência os mecanismos de politização da política externa e de internacionalização da política doméstica, apontam as qualidades do desenho institucional das organizações internacionais em que se desenvolvem as relações internacionais econômicas contemporâneas e identificam as vicissitudes que emergem desse desenho institucional. / Since the 1990s, two political-economic processes have changed the decision making process of Brazilian foreign policy and the country’s relationship with international trade organizations. In the domestic sphere, also influenced by the international system after the Cold War and by the gradual return to democratic precepts in Latin America, led to the politicization of foreign policy by strengthening democratic institutions, organization of group of interests in autonomous associations ad by opening up multiple channels of communication between these associations and government agencies that, besides the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, entered the decision making process of foreign policy. In the international sphere, both regional and multilateral, trade organizations, based upon non-discriminatory principles, advanced the “legalization” of dispute settlement systems attached to them by setting mandatory norms and procedures, which led to the internationalization of domestic politics. These two processes are linked by the role of democratic institutions in formulating foreign policy and in the responsibility for the implementation of international decisions from the dispute settlement systems which Brazil participates. The clashes between new tires multinationals industries installed in Brazil and retreaded tires industries from Brazil, Mercosur and European Communities, each passed on their own spheres – national, regional and multilateral –, but mutually related, highlight the mechanisms of politicization of foreign policy and the internationalization of domestic politics, indicates the qualities of the institutional design in which contemporary international economic relations develops and identify the vicissitudes that emerge from this institutional design.

A partir da década de 1990, dois processos político-econômicos alteraram o modo de produção da política externa brasileira e a relação do país com as organizações internacionais do comércio. No âmbito doméstico, igualmente influenciado pelo sistema internacional pós Guerra-Fria e de retorno gradual aos preceitos democráticos na América Latina, procedeu-se a politização da política externa por meio do fortalecimento das instituições democráticas, da organização dos grupos de interesses em associações autônomas e pela abertura de múltiplos canais de comunicação entre essas associações e as agências governamentais que, para além do Ministério das Relações Exteriores, adentraram o processo decisório de produção da política externa. No âmbito internacional, tanto regional quanto multilateral, as organizações internacionais do comércio alicerçadas em princípios não-discriminatórios avançaram a “legalização” dos seus sistemas de solução de controvérsias por meio da fixação de normas e procedimentos judiciais obrigatórios, que implicou a internacionalização da política doméstica. Esse dois processos estão vinculados pelo papel fundamental conferido às instituições democráticas na formulação da política externa do Brasil e na responsabilidade pela implementação das decisões internacionais provenientes dos órgãos de solução de controvérsias que o país participa. Os confrontos entre a indústria multinacional de pneus novos instaladas no Brasil e a indústria de pneus reformados brasileira, mercosulina e européia, cada um transcorrido em âmbitos próprios – nacional, regional e multilateral –, mas reciprocamente relacionados, põem em evidência os mecanismos de politização da política externa e de internacionalização da política doméstica, apontam as qualidades do desenho institucional das organizações internacionais em que se desenvolvem as relações internacionais econômicas contemporâneas e identificam as vicissitudes que emergem desse desenho institucional. / Since the 1990s, two political-economic processes have changed the decision making process of Brazilian foreign policy and the country’s relationship with international trade organizations. In the domestic sphere, also influenced by the international system after the Cold War and by the gradual return to democratic precepts in Latin America, led to the politicization of foreign policy by strengthening democratic institutions, organization of group of interests in autonomous associations ad by opening up multiple channels of communication between these associations and government agencies that, besides the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, entered the decision making process of foreign policy. In the international sphere, both regional and multilateral, trade organizations, based upon non-discriminatory principles, advanced the “legalization” of dispute settlement systems attached to them by setting mandatory norms and procedures, which led to the internationalization of domestic politics. These two processes are linked by the role of democratic institutions in formulating foreign policy and in the responsibility for the implementation of international decisions from the dispute settlement systems which Brazil participates. The clashes between new tires multinationals industries installed in Brazil and retreaded tires industries from Brazil, Mercosur and European Communities, each passed on their own spheres – national, regional and multilateral –, but mutually related, highlight the mechanisms of politicization of foreign policy and the internationalization of domestic politics, indicates the qualities of the institutional design in which contemporary international economic relations develops and identify the vicissitudes that emerge from this institutional design.

This paper is about the arbitration in China ant he recognition of the foreign arbitral awards in China and Peru. The author indicates how the arbitration and the dispute settlement were in China, also he says that the Chinese commercial opening produced that China adopted inside its legal system the commercial arbitration. Above this line, he says that the main instrument regarding the recognition and enforcement of the foreign arbitral awards in China and Peru is the New York Convention. About the proceeding of this recognition and enforcement of the foreign arbitral awards it is said how it is performed in the Chinese and Peruvian Law. The author ads that China and Peru should have a mutual awareness proceeding of the dispute settlement to ensure the mutual investments. / El presente trabajo versa sobre el arbitraje en China y el reconocimiento de los laudos arbitrales extranjeros en China y Perú. El autor indica cómo era el arbitraje y la solución de controversias en China, también señala que la apertura comercial china generó que acoja dentro de su ordenamiento jurídico al arbitraje comercial. Sobre esa línea, señala que el principal instrumento sobre el reconocimiento y ejecución de los laudos extranjeros en China y Perú es la Convención de Nueva York. Sobre el procedimiento del reconocimiento y ejecución de los laudos extranjeros se dice cómo se realiza en el derecho chino y en el peruano. El autor añade que China y Perú deberían tener un proceso de conocimiento mutuo de solución de controversias para asegurar las inversiones mutuas.

Magister Legum - LLM

Magister Legum - LLM / The main objective of this paper is to critically analyse the solutions that countries are currently implementing in response to the much-debated issue that the conventional investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) regime limits a host-state's space to make regulations under public policy. Consequently, the paper makes recommendations on viable solutions that countries can implement as solutions to the ISDS problems. In order to conduct the study, this paper uses the solutions to ISDS problems that have been implemented by the Republic of South Africa (RSA) and Australia respectively. The paper also compares the solutions implemented by RSA and Australia with some internationally recognised solutions. Chapters two and three of the paper discuss the backgrounds and also analyse the solutions to ISDS that have been implemented by RSA and Australia respectively. Chapter four contains the main findings and arguments of the paper. It analyses the strengths and weaknesses of the ISDS solutions that have been implemented by RSA and Australia respectively. One of the main findings of the paper is that retaining the conventional ISDS regime is less beneficial to developing and least developed countries and more beneficial to developed countries, largely due to the differing levels of outward investments that are present in these categories of countries. The paper recommends, inter alia, that, unlike developed countries, developing countries and least-developed countries should abrogate the conventional ISDS regime and only retain it in particular circumstances as explained in chapter five. The paper recommends that ISDS should only be utilised where state-state arbitration would unnecessarily politicise an investment dispute. The paper also finds the use of domestic court as undesirable to investment disputes. The paper recommends mediation as a more balanced avenue for resolving investment disputes.

Addressing complex global health challenges, including the burden of noncommunicable diseases (NCDs), will require change in sectors outside of traditional public health. Contemporary regional trade and investment agreements (RTAs) like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) continue to move further ‘behind-the-border’ into domestic policy space introducing new challenges in the regulation of health risk factors. This dissertation aimed to clarify the pathways through which RTAs influence NCDs, and to explore points along those pathways with the intent of improving the existing evidence base and supporting policy development. This work develops a critical theoretical framework exploring the ideas, institutions, and interests behind trade and investment policy; it also develops a conceptual framework specifying how trade and investment treaty provisions influence NCD rates through the effects of trade and investment on tobacco, alcohol, and ultra-processed food and beverage products, as well as access to medicines and the social determinants of health. Using health impact assessment methodology, three analytical components were designed to examine pathways of influence from RTAs to health outcomes as mediated by the interests of transnational corporations (TNCs). The first component explored the influence of industry during the TPP negotiations and how its health-related interests were reflected in the final TPP text. The second component examined the role of trade and investment liberalisation in health-harmful commodity markets, finding a rise in TNC sales after a period of liberalisation. The third component demonstrated how investor rights and investor-state dispute can challenge the state’s right to regulate if it damages the profits of TNCs, which may threaten effective health regulation, and provides opportunities to strengthen the right to regulate. The work in this dissertation provides support for the thesis that trade and investment policies are a fundamental structural determinant of health and well-being, which are highly influenced by TNCs that guide such policies in the interest of maximising their profits and protections, often to the detriment of public policy and population health. This work identifies the need for more robust health impact assessments of RTAs before future agreements are ratified, as well as an imperative to challenge vested interests that entrench neoliberal policy preferences that have hindered sustainable and equitable development.

International investment agreements largely cover today’s transnational investments. These agreements confer certain substantive rights to foreign investors while simultaneously obliging host-states to act in a given manner so as to not interfere with the investments. Most international investment agreements further contain an arbitration clause which provides the investor with the means to enforce the substantive rights of the agreement by directly bringing a claim against the host-state before an arbitral tribunal. Consequently, privately contracted arbitrators have the authority to scrutinize and overrule essentially any sovereign act of the host-state that may affect the investment – judicial and legislative acts included. This practice affects not only the parties of the dispute; when the arbitral award claims superiority to the state’s electoral choices, it further constrains the exercise of sovereignty by the population of the host-state. As a result, the arbitrators who manage the disputes and the investors who initiate them have become central power-holders in the context of both international and domestic law. Meanwhile, the arbitrators and investors alike seem to be unaccountable to the states and individuals who are adversely affected by their power assertions. A commonly accepted feature of democracy is that those who govern and wield power should be accountable to those who are governed and subjected to this power. This thesis relates this notion to a Foucauldian understanding of power, domination and resistance. The primary aim of the thesis is to examine the interplay between the prominent subjects involved in investor-state arbitration and to what degree these subjects hold power in the form of transformative capacity. After this investigation into the relations of power, the thesis scrutinizes the subjugated subjects’ ability to exercise effective resistance through institutionalized accountability mechanisms. The thesis detects an accountability deficit in the regime and concludes that foreign investors and arbitrators hold a dominant position within the context of investor-state arbitration, while states and individuals find themselves in a state of domination. The international investment regime, as it currently stands, is thus found to suffer from a democracy deficit, while it concurrently seems to undermine domestic democratic institutions.

[pt] A dissertação analisa os acordos de integração do Nafta e do Mercosul, especialmente a estrutura institucional e o mecanismo de solução de controvérsias de cada um deles. O trabalho analisa ainda como a lógica determinante de cada acordo afetou sua institucionalidade, criando marcos distintos para a relação entre Estado e empresa em cada bloco. Para tal, duas controvérsias solucionadas no âmbito de cada acordo foram selecionadas para análise, buscando dar destaque à atuação dos Estados e das empresas envolvidas no conflito. Percebeu-se que o acordo de integração norte-americano concede amplos e pioneiros benefícios aos investidores estrangeiros, de acordo com a lógica hegemônica estadunidense, enquanto o acordo do o Mercosul estabelece um mecanismo de solução de controvérsia essencialmente estatal, na tentativa de prover seus membros com um projeto contra-hegemônico, no qual a harmonia entre os mesmos é crucial para o sucesso do acordo. / [en] The dissertation analyses the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) and the Mercosul agreement (the South-American Agreement), especially the institutional structure and the dispute settlement mechanism of each agreement. The paper also analyses how the determining logic of each agreement affected its institutionality, creating different patterns for the relationship between State and enterprise. For this purpose, two controversies resolved under each agreement were selected for analysis, emphasizing the role played by states and enterprises involved in the conflict. It was noticed that the North-American agreement concedes broad and new benefits to the foreign investors, according to the U.S hegemonic position. Mercosul, on the other hand, implemented an essentially State-based dispute settlement mechanism, in an attempt to provide its members with an anti-hegemonic project, in which the harmony among them is crucial for the Mercosul`s success.

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