The aim of this study is to analyse "Report On The Investigation Into Russian Inerference In The 2016 Presidential Election", or the "Mueller report", and William Barr's summary of the same report by using poststructural critical discourse analysis. This critical analysis aims to examine how their potrayal differ and to analyse what impact that might have had on the political discource surrounding the US Presidency, Russia and the US election. In conclusion they differ quite a bit. While the Mueller report show supstantial evidence of obstruction of justice by Donald Trump, William Barr found that the report completely exonerated him. Attorney General William Barr's summary of the report was the first summary of the report to reach the public. Perhaps his description of the report had an impact on the decision whether to impede Donald Trump after the report came out. What impact did the Mueller report and Barr's summary of the same have on the political discource surrounding the legitimacy of the US election and the US presidency?

The diploma thesis entitled "Image of President Donald Trump in the Czech News Agency" closely examines how the Czech News Agency provided information to the Czech readers about the 45th President of the United States, Donald Trump whose time in office (January 20 2017 until January 20 2021) brought a number of changes and controversies. One of the most notable one to mention are the US withdrawal from The Paris Climate Agreement or the accusation that the Republican president secretly cooperated with Russia before a unanticipated victory in 2016 elections. The research of Trump's media image in the public agency CTK is based on quantitative analysis of topics as well as a qualitative approach to evaluating the tonality of each individual article.

The Transatlantic Trade Investment Partnership (TTIP) was a large trade deal that was negotiated between EU and the US under the years of 2013 and 2019. The negotiations for TTIP started with big expectations for both actors but ended without any succeeded agreement. The purpose of this study is therefore to investigate how this trade deal ended in failure despite the big commitment from these two negotiators.  To achieve this purpose, the study was designed accordingly to the theory of Two-level games. A theory that claims that international agreements depends on the domestic political situation. Focus was for that reason put on identifying changes in the political situation in EU and the US.  The method process tracing was then introduced to help identify these kinds of changes. Based on this method, the study found three possible changes that could have stopped the talks of TTIP: The opposition in EU, Brexit, and Donald Trump. To conclude how these three transformations affected the negotiations, evidence describing these three events was collected and thence tested in different process tracing tests. The results of the process tracing tests found that both Brexit and Trump had affected the talks negatively. Moreover, was the study also able to conclude that trade policy of Donald Trump was the factor that lastly ended the negations of TTIP.

The purpose of this study is to perform a linguistic analysis of Russian mass media focused on its coverage of the 2016 US presidential election. It will be a corpus-based study, using a corpus as a foundational source for quantitative and qualitative data. This study will use a collection of keywords from the corpus and analyze their contexts as they pertain to Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. This study uses corpus linguistic research tools such as sentence tokenization, Key Words in Context (KWIC), sentiment analysis, word embedding visualization, word-vector math, word frequency lists, and collocate analysis as part of the quantitative analysis. The results of the sentiment analysis and word vector analysis show a moderate bias in the corpus favoring Donald Trump. Additionally, a more in-depth qualitative analysis of sentences containing keywords is performed. A framework using Appraisal Theory is used to examine sample sentences to show how the corpus appraises the candidates. The qualitative analysis shows how many sentences are full of judgment towards Hillary Clinton, positive appraisal of Donald Trump, and attempts to expand positive dialog about Donald Trump, as opposed to a contraction of dialog and expansion of negativity about Hillary Clinton. The predicted Russian geopolitical agenda seeks to demean American politics, positively influence perceptions of Russians towards Vladimir Putin, and support Donald Trump insofar as his policies align with Russia's goals.

During his 2016 presidential campaign, Donald Trump distinguished himself from other candidates via his hardline stances on issues of immigration. Using data from national surveys conducted between 2014 and 2019, we identify three key findings about views of immigrants among the American public during the Trump era. First, xenophobia was the strongest predictor of Americans’ feelings—anger, fear, pride, and hope—about Donald Trump during his time in office, and the second strongest predictor of feelings about the Republican party (after partisan identification). Second, the influence of Americans’ levels of xenophobia on their feelings about the Republican Party were significantly mediated by their feelings about Trump, especially for negative affect (anger and fear). Third, there has been a backlash against xenophobia, such that political independents and Democrats became significantly more favorable toward immigrants after 2016. As a result, views of immigrants have become more favorable overall, but also more politically polarized. These findings support and extend immigration backlash theory, contribute to research on affective polarization, and document consequential trends in contemporary American politics.

Some of the strongest predictors of voting for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election were Christian nationalism and antipathy toward Muslims and immigrants. We examine the interrelated influence of these three factors on Americans’ intentions to vote for Trump in 2020. Consistent with previous research, Christian nationalism and Islamophobia remained strong and significant predictors of intention to vote for Trump; however, the effect of xenophobia was stronger. Further, xenophobia and Islamophobia significantly and substantially mediated the effects of Christian nationalism. Consequently, though Christian nationalism remains theoretically and empirically distinct as a cultural framework, its influence on intending to vote for Trump in 2020 is intimately connected to fears about ethnoracial outsiders. In the penultimate year before Trump’s reelection campaign, the strongest predictors of supporting Trump, in order of magnitude, were political party, xenophobia, identifying as African American (negative), political ideology, Christian nationalism, and Islamophobia.

The year 2020 started with the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. This socio-economic crisis has led to changes in our society as several restrictions were demanded, such as self-quarantining, wearing face masks and social distancing to limit the spread of the Coronavirus. This resulted in a high need for online communication. The United States of America has reached and maintained a high death rate in comparison to other countries. Therefore, this paper researches what are the characteristics of the U.S. President’s, Donald Trump, communication in relation to COVID-19. The paper reviews literature on Trump’s language and communication style, his political incorrectness, and his habits on Twitter communication during the election in 2016. Moreover, it describes theoretical key terms, such as political mediatization, networked society, and further uses Castells’ concept of mass self-communication as a framework for the content analysis. The resource for this analysis is Trump’s official Twitter account, where 4018 tweets were retrieved from March, April, February and June in 2020. Out of those tweets, 638 are COVID-19 related tweets. Key findings show that Trump is using a simple (casual) and offensive tone of voice in his tweets. His Twitter communication demonstrates attacking his opponents and others in a politically incorrect manner while praising himself. Along with negative partisanship and idealization of pressing issues with no coherent and factual arguments. Furthermore, he is using the pandemic as a tool for reaching his political goals, thus politicizing the COVID-19 pandemic on his Twitter account.

Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), this study seeks to illustrate how Donald Trump’s Inauguration Address incorporates elements of power which are embedded in various forms of American exceptionalism. Since the American myth of exceptionalism does not necessarily reveal itself at first glance, this thesis traces its variety of roots back in American history. By doing so, it explains how this myth emerged, how it became infused with power and how Trump’s rhetoric keeps it alive. The theoretical framework of this study is built on Michel Foucault’s writing on power and van Dijk’s concept of ideology. In addition, this study introduces the idea of legitimising myths in the context of Social Dominance Theory to highlight the effect ideologies have on societies. This thesis finds that some references to American exceptionalism in Trump’s speech can be attributed to the Colonial era. More specifically, Trump’s call for social cohesion, his allusions to predestination, his image of civilisation and his language on American labour bear close resemblance to Puritan discourses. Further, the theme of nationalism and limited government run through his speech, both of which are integral to American history and the myth of exceptionalism. In line with the general goals of CDA, this study exemplifies how ideologically charged language needs to be contextualised socio-historically to expose its relationship with power.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This thesis analyzes the gender narrative surrounding the vice-presidency and the 2016 election. It reviews the traditional feminine gender roles assigned to the vice-presidency and as evidenced in Governor Mike Pence’s participation in a 60 Minutes interview, nomination speech at the 2016 national convention, and vice-presidential debate. Furthers the work of Bostdorff, who argued that the vice presidency has a traditional feminine role where vice-presidential figures and potential aspirants use strategies of celebration, confrontation, vindication, and submission to fulfill a gendered role in service to a highly masculine presidency. Suggests that the realities of the 2016 election allowed for these strategies, although in a different form given the nature of the campaign and a Trump candidacy.

Diploma thesis is focused on the support of Latinos voters for Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential election. Hispanics in general are more supporters of the Democratic Party, so the increased support for Donald Trump proclaimed in media after the election has been surprising for many experts and public especially regarding Trump's rhetoric and his attacks on some Hispanic prominent figures. In the thesis, I discuss whether Donald Trump gained more Latinos support in the election. I argue that Donald Trump gained more Latino support in the election. The thesis is confirmed in the theoretical and practical part based on an analysis of composition of the Hispanic electorate, pre-election, and post-election surveys and through the analysis of counties with at least 70% concentration of Hispanic population. The thesis also deals with Donald Trump's election campaign and the motivation of Latinos to vote for the Republican candidate. Donald Trump tried to reach out Hispanic voters more than in 2016 through greater funding of political spots, greater representation of Latinos in the election team, debates targeting Latinos voters and other initiatives. These moves were symbolic rather than practical in nature. The voting of Latinos for Donald Trump was probably influenced by external factors - the...