Föreliggande uppsats syftar till att problematisera begreppet västerländskt ”kulturarv” i svenskämnets A- och B-kurser avseende litteraturundervisningen. Undersökningen studerar tre läroböckers litterära urval under epokerna renässansen, upplysningen och romantiken (år 1500 – 1830) genom att kartlägga vilka gränser mellan ”Vi” och ”De Andra” som används och aktiveras, samt hur dessa gränser legitimeras. De läroböcker som undersöks är Natur & Kulturs BRUS #1/#2 (2006), Libers Litteraturen Lever (2005) samt Gleerups Möt Litteraturen (2008). Genom en kvalitativ och närläsande metod, med kvantitativa inslag, analyseras empirin utifrån en postkolonialt teoretisk utgångspunkt där begrepp som eurocentrism och dikotomier utifrån gränser mellan ”Vi” och ”De Andra” står i fokus. Undersökningen visar att trots att läroboksförfattarna delvis har olika ingångar till begreppet ”kulturarv” och västvärlden förmedlas en bild av att det är det västerländska som är den otvivelaktiga utgångspunkten. Läroböckerna legitimerar detta val delvis olika. Genomgående är att urvalet i varje lärobok stundtals faller tillbaka på eurocentristiska antaganden och stereotypa dikotomier mellan ”Vi” och ”De Andra”. Tre viktiga slutsatser betonas. Den första är att alla läroböcker använder ett västerländskt litterärt urval. Den andra slutsatsen är att läroböckerna lutar sig mot den västerländska litteraturen inte bara via explicita eller tysta legitimeringar utan också via aktiva gränsdragningar mellan ”Vi” och ”De Andra”. Slutligen poängteras att ”kulturarvet” tycks vara relevant igen mot bakgrund av det läroplanen definierar som ”internationaliseringen”.

Seit der Kolonisierung wird die scheinbare Demokratieunfähigkeit „außereuropäischer“ Gesellschaften als Vorwand für Ausbeutung und Unterdrückung genutzt. Diese Strategie wirkt bis heute in „westlichen“ Unternehmungen zum „Demokratieaufbau“ außerhalb des „Westens“ fort. Allerdings haben Gesellschaften außerhalb des „Westens“ selbst eine Geschichte von demokratischer Gesellschaftsorganisation und sind genauso demokratiefähig. Zwar gibt es einen breiten Forschungsstand sowohl zu eurozentrischen Perspektiven auf Demokratie als auch zu Rassismus in deutschsprachigen Schulbüchern. Allerdings fehlt eine Untersuchung zu eurozentrischen Perspektiven auf Demokratie. In dieser Arbeit werden daher acht GRW-Schulbücher für das Gymnasium in Sachsen mit der qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse nach Mayring auf die Frage hin untersucht, inwiefern sie eurozentrische Perspektiven auf Demokratie reproduzieren. Unterschieden wurde dabei in vier Kategorien: Ursprung der Demokratie, Demokratiebegriff, prägende Personen für die Demokratie sowie die Darstellung der Demokratie-(un)fähigkeit von als nicht-„westlich“ konstruierten Gesellschaften bzw. der Demokratie-(un)fähigkeit des „Westens“. Die Kategorien können jeweils die Ausprägung „eurozentrisch“ und „Eurozentrismus dekonstruierend“ haben. Die Arbeit hat gezeigt, dass eurozentrische Perspektiven auf Demokratie in den Schulbüchern mit 87% der Kodierungen vorherrschen. Die Kategorien mit der höchsten eurozentrischen Ausprägung mit 100% waren der Demokratiebegriff und prägende Personen für die Demokratie. Es folgten die Kategorie Ursprung der Demokratie mit 89% und die Darstellung der Demokratie-(un)fähigkeit von als nicht-„westlich“ konstruierten Gesellschaften bzw. der Demokratie-(un)fähigkeit des „Westens“ mit 78%. Diese Ergebnisse bestätigen den Trend in der Forschung. Damit zeigt die Arbeit einen dringenden Überarbeitungsbedarf der GRW-Schulbücher hinsichtlich Demokratie und Eurozentrismus.:Abkürzungsverzeichnis ................................................................................................7 Abbildungsverzeichnis .................................................................................................8 1. Einleitung .................................................................................................................9 2. Eigene Positionierung ............................................................................................11 3. Theoretischer Hintergrund .................................................................................... 13 3.1 Definitionen ..................................................................................................... 13 3.1.1 Demokratie .......................................................................................... 13 3.1.2 Eurozentrismus .................................................................................... 13 3.2 Diskurse von Demokratie ................................................................................ 15 3.2.1 Eurozentrischer Diskurs von Demokratie ............................................. 15 3.2.1.1 Wurzeln in der Aufklärung ...................................................... 16 3.2.1.2 Wurzeln im Kolonialismus und politischen Liberalismus ......... 18 3.2.2 Heutige Auswirkungen des eurozentrischen Diskurses von Demokratie............................................................................................................. 21 3.2.3 Kritischer Diskurs von Demokratie ....................................................... 23 3.3 GRW-Schulbücher .......................................................................................... 24 3.3.1 Funktion von GRW-Schulbüchern ........................................................ 24 3.3.2 Entstehung und Auswahl von GRW-Schulbüchern in Sachsen ............ 26 3.3.3 Das GRW-Schulbuch in der Kritik ........................................................ 26 4. Methodisches Vorgehen ........................................................................................ 31 4.1 Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse nach Mayring.......................................................... 31 4.1.1 Festlegung des Materials ..................................................................... 33 4.1.2 Analyse der Entstehungssituation ........................................................ 35 4.1.3 Formale Charakteristika des Materials ................................................. 36 4.1.4 Richtung der Analyse ........................................................................... 38 4.1.5 Theoriegeleitete Differenzierung der Fragestellung .............................. 38 4.1.6 Bestimmung der Analysetechnik .......................................................... 39 4.1.7 Festlegung der konkreten Ablaufmodelle ............................................. 40 4.1.8 Festlegung der Kategorien ................................................................... 42 4.1.9 Definition der Einheiten ........................................................................ 43 4.1.10 Gütekriterien ........................................................................................ 44 5. Ergebnisse der Schulbuchanalyse ........................................................................ 48 5.1 Ursprung der Demokratie ................................................................................ 48 5.2 Demokratiebegriff ............................................................................................ 49 5.3 Zitierte Personen in Bezug auf Demokratie ..................................................... 52 5.4 Darstellung Demokratie(un)fähigkeit von als nicht-„westlich“ konstruierten Gesellschaften/Demokratie(un)fähigkeit des „Westens“ .................................. 55 5.5 Häufigkeitstabelle ............................................................................................ 71 6. Diskussion .............................................................................................................. 72 6.1 Diskussion der Ergebnisse .............................................................................. 72 6.1.1 Ursprung der Demokratie ..................................................................... 72 6.1.2 Demokratiebegriff ................................................................................. 73 6.1.3 Zitierte Personen in Bezug auf Demokratie .......................................... 74 6.1.4 Darstellung Demokratie(un)fähigkeit von als nicht-„westlich“ konstruierten Gesellschaften/Demokratie(un)fähigkeit des „Westens“ .. 77 6.2 Stärken und Limitierungen der Arbeit .............................................................. 81 6.3 Praktische Implikationen .................................................................................. 82 6.4 Zukünftige Forschung/Ausblick ........................................................................ 82 7. Fazit ......................................................................................................................83 8. Literaturverzeichnis ...............................................................................................85 9. Anhang ..................................................................................................................95 10. Eidesstattliche Erklärung ...................................................................................149 / Ever since the period of formal colonisation, the apparent lack of democracy in 'non-European' societies has been used as a pretext for exploitation and oppression. This strategy continues to this day in 'Western' endeavours to 'build democracy' outside the 'West'. However, societies outside the 'West' themselves have a history of democratic social organisation and are just as capable of democracy. There is a large body of research on both Eurocentric perspectives on democracy as well as racism in German-language textbooks. However, there is a lack of research on Eurocentric perspectives on democracy. In this study, eight textbooks for political education for grammar schools in Saxony are therefore analysed using Mayring's qualitative content analysis to determine the extent to which they reproduce Eurocentric perspectives on democracy. The study distinguishes between four categories: the origin of democracy, the concept of democracy, formative persons for democracy and the portrayal of the (in)capacity for democracy of societies constructed as non-'Western' or the (in)capacity for democracy of the 'West', respectively. Each category can have the values 'Eurocentric' and 'deconstructing Eurocentrism'. This study has shown that Eurocentric perspectives on democracy predominate in the textbooks with 87% of the encodings. The concept of democracy and formative persons for democracy had the highest Eurocentric value (100%). This was followed by the origin of democracy with 89% and the portrayal of the (in)capacity for democracy of societies constructed as non-'Western' or the (in)capability of democracy of the 'West' with 78%. These results confirm the trend in research. This study thus shows an urgent need to revise the textbooks with regard to democracy and Eurocentrism.:Abkürzungsverzeichnis ................................................................................................7 Abbildungsverzeichnis .................................................................................................8 1. Einleitung .................................................................................................................9 2. Eigene Positionierung ............................................................................................11 3. Theoretischer Hintergrund .................................................................................... 13 3.1 Definitionen ..................................................................................................... 13 3.1.1 Demokratie .......................................................................................... 13 3.1.2 Eurozentrismus .................................................................................... 13 3.2 Diskurse von Demokratie ................................................................................ 15 3.2.1 Eurozentrischer Diskurs von Demokratie ............................................. 15 3.2.1.1 Wurzeln in der Aufklärung ...................................................... 16 3.2.1.2 Wurzeln im Kolonialismus und politischen Liberalismus ......... 18 3.2.2 Heutige Auswirkungen des eurozentrischen Diskurses von Demokratie............................................................................................................. 21 3.2.3 Kritischer Diskurs von Demokratie ....................................................... 23 3.3 GRW-Schulbücher .......................................................................................... 24 3.3.1 Funktion von GRW-Schulbüchern ........................................................ 24 3.3.2 Entstehung und Auswahl von GRW-Schulbüchern in Sachsen ............ 26 3.3.3 Das GRW-Schulbuch in der Kritik ........................................................ 26 4. Methodisches Vorgehen ........................................................................................ 31 4.1 Qualitative Inhaltsanalyse nach Mayring.......................................................... 31 4.1.1 Festlegung des Materials ..................................................................... 33 4.1.2 Analyse der Entstehungssituation ........................................................ 35 4.1.3 Formale Charakteristika des Materials ................................................. 36 4.1.4 Richtung der Analyse ........................................................................... 38 4.1.5 Theoriegeleitete Differenzierung der Fragestellung .............................. 38 4.1.6 Bestimmung der Analysetechnik .......................................................... 39 4.1.7 Festlegung der konkreten Ablaufmodelle ............................................. 40 4.1.8 Festlegung der Kategorien ................................................................... 42 4.1.9 Definition der Einheiten ........................................................................ 43 4.1.10 Gütekriterien ........................................................................................ 44 5. Ergebnisse der Schulbuchanalyse ........................................................................ 48 5.1 Ursprung der Demokratie ................................................................................ 48 5.2 Demokratiebegriff ............................................................................................ 49 5.3 Zitierte Personen in Bezug auf Demokratie ..................................................... 52 5.4 Darstellung Demokratie(un)fähigkeit von als nicht-„westlich“ konstruierten Gesellschaften/Demokratie(un)fähigkeit des „Westens“ .................................. 55 5.5 Häufigkeitstabelle ............................................................................................ 71 6. Diskussion .............................................................................................................. 72 6.1 Diskussion der Ergebnisse .............................................................................. 72 6.1.1 Ursprung der Demokratie ..................................................................... 72 6.1.2 Demokratiebegriff ................................................................................. 73 6.1.3 Zitierte Personen in Bezug auf Demokratie .......................................... 74 6.1.4 Darstellung Demokratie(un)fähigkeit von als nicht-„westlich“ konstruierten Gesellschaften/Demokratie(un)fähigkeit des „Westens“ .. 77 6.2 Stärken und Limitierungen der Arbeit .............................................................. 81 6.3 Praktische Implikationen .................................................................................. 82 6.4 Zukünftige Forschung/Ausblick ........................................................................ 82 7. Fazit ......................................................................................................................83 8. Literaturverzeichnis ...............................................................................................85 9. Anhang ..................................................................................................................95 10. Eidesstattliche Erklärung ...................................................................................149

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In this paper, I would like to explore the new ways of perceiving Papyri und Papyrology i.e. papyrological studies from Egyptian-Arabic perspectives. The paper will shed light on three main and, from my point of view, intertwined ways of thinking about this discipline that has been newly of importance just because of the new media. First, one should consider the question of legal status of papyri presented online, including their provenance, and the Egyptian (legal) point of view in this regard. Most, if not all, the available, papyri databases, which presents papyri online, suffice themselves with just a note about the purchase of a certain piece from unknown Egyptian, sometime known and famous like M. Nahman, without any indication about on which government, circumstances, regulations und laws this “supposedly” legal purchase has been conducted. I would suggest putting up a Wikipedia link or any other mean to give the “Egyptian” Science citizen, a further reading lists and short justifications about the transportation of this artefact from his country to Europe or the United States, where most of the papyri, presented in the moment online, are kept. Second, The provenance of the same pieces are in many cases given either with transliterated names that doesn’t exist on Arabic modern maps which one find through e.g. Google or with names that mix the archeological site with its nearby village or town. A similar database, in cooperation and with the help of with the Egyptian Universities’ students of Archeology, would solve this problem. Such links would also serve as a start for more specialized research that connects Archeology and Papyri with modern as well as recent Egyptian History. Third, an Arabic translation of the Papyri presented online, again with the help of Egyptian students of History, Classics and Archeology departments, would be a basis for more further analysis of these texts, whether they are written in Egyptian (with all its script) Greek, Latin or Coptic. These are some chances, which may seem easier to achieve, thanks to the new digital media, especially the social ones, but the challenges that would face any implementation of the above-mentioned idea in the current Egyptian academia are tremendous. This include but not limited to financial and legal matters that control the education system in Egypt.

Thesis (MA(VA))--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the extent to which the cuff and the collar as semiotic entities played a significant role in the symbolic expression of power and oppression in the seventeenth century Cape of Good Hope. These entities were visually naturalised by the Eurocentric imperialist hegemony at the Cape and offered as undisputed ‘truth’. These symbols permeated the collective consciousness of the society at the Cape on both a physical and cognitive level. The white ruff and cuffs, and the shackles of the slaves represented physical restraints, whilst mentally the slaves were confronted with identity construction and deconstruction. ‘The self’ was pitted against ‘the Other’, and these European values and hierarchies were enforced on the society at the Cape by creating dualistic relationships. An identity implies a certain amount of power. For this reason, the Europeans stripped the slaves of their identities in order to gain control over them. This theory, together with the investigation into the hybrid characteristic of culture as a product of colonialism and slavery at the Cape, will be established concurrently with the aim of my practical work — The Ruff/Rough Collection, The Shackle Collection, and The Soft Steel Collection. This body of work aims to deconstruct the boundaries and hierarchies established by the cuff and the collar (as symbols of the power and oppression paradigm) at the Cape. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die mate waarin die mouboordjie (‘cuff’) en die kraag (‘collar’) as semiotiese entiteite ’n beduidende rol gespeel het in die simboliese uitdrukking van mag en onderdrukking aan die Kaap de Goede Hoop in die sewentiende eeu. Hierdie simbole is visueel deur die Eurosentriese imperialistiese leierskap ingevoer en as onbetwisbare waarheid van hul mag en heerskappy voorgehou. Dié simbole het die kollektiewe bewussyn van die samelewing aan die Kaap op ’n fisieke en geestelike vlak geïnfiltreer. Die wit plooikraag (‘ruff’) wat die Europeërs gedra het om hulself as ‘meesters’ te vestig, en die boeie van die slawe het fisieke beperkings verteenwoordig, terwyl die slawe geestelik gekonfronteer is met die opbou en afbreek van hulle identiteit. ‘Die ek’ is teen ‘die Ander’gestel en Europese waardes is op grond van die Eurosentriese ingesteldheid van die ‘meesters’ op die samelewing afgedwing as ‘n dualistiese verhouding. ’n Identiteit impliseer ’n sekere graad van mag. Daarom het die Europeërs die slawe van hulle identiteit gestroop om sodoende mag oor hulle te verkry. Hierdie teorie, asook die ondersoek na die hibridiese eienskap van kultuur as ’n produk van kolonialisme en slawerny aan die Kaap, sal konkurrent met die doel van my praktiese werk — The Ruff/Rough Collection, The Shackle Collection en The Soft Steel Collection — gevestig word. Die doel van hierdie versameling kontemporêre juweliersware is om die grense en hiërargieë te dekonstrueer, wat deur die mouboordjie (‘cuff’) en die kraag (‘collar’) (as simbole van die mag- en onderdrukkingsparadigma) tot stand gebring is aan die Kaap de Goede Hoop.

The research study focused on the integrating of indigenous African knowledge systems in teaching and learning at the Catholic University of Zimbabwe. The curriculum of the Catholic University of Zimbabwe offers a number of degree courses. The study sets out to address the problem with the curriculum of the Catholic University of Zimbabwe, namely, that it is to a large extent dominated by Western knowledge and gives little priority to indigenous African knowledge systems. The majority of the courses offered at the CUZ are Eurocentric in nature and give little regard to the indigenous African knowledge systems. The study was undergirded by the Afrocentric theory which focuses on giving the African world view in terms of knowledge. The research study was informed by the constructivist paradigm which focuses on how individuals analyse and construct meanings of social situations. The research approach is qualitative in nature that means it is based on social interpretation and not numerical analysis of data. The data in the study was generated through face-to-face interviews, focus group discussion and document analysis. The data was presented under different themes. The study found out that they are few courses in the CUZ curriculum which include IAKS. Most of the knowledge and theories in the courses offered at the Catholic University of Zimbabwe curriculum are Western oriented. The knowledge in most of the courses is reminiscent of the colonial education system and gives no regard to indigenous African knowledge systems. The recommendation is for the inclusion of indigenous African Knowledge systems in the CUZ curriculum. / Educational Foundations / D. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

This thesis examines Western rationality, contextualizing that subject in British colonialism and Western modernity. Using Scott Lash's description of academic characterizations of modernity, I explore the “high" modernity of the social sciences represented in the books Alice's Adventures in Wonderland by Lewis Carroll and The Hound of the Baskervilles by Arthur Conan Doyle. I then explore the cultural studies critique of that characterization of modernity in the book Arrow of God by Chinua Achebe. Using the theory of Jean Francois Lyotard, Martin Heidegger, and Theodor Adorno, I look at Western rationality through its manifestation in British colonialism. I argue that colonialism is a site where rationality's negative legacy is manifest, and that the paradoxical representations of rationality in the books by Carroll and Doyle indicate a problem with the assumption that Western rationality was a universal epistemology. Contrary to the British's own ideas of their rationality, I find that Western rationality is ultimately a culturally-grounded discourse. Using Chinua Achebe's Arrow of God, I examine the intersection between Western rationality and other forms of cultural knowledge, an intersection that occurred through British colonialism. Achebe argues against the universal model of Western rationality and posits instead a relative valuing of each culture's methods of arriving at truth. I use his novel to illustrate the limits of Western rationality and its claim to universality.

All bodies of critical discourse on any given literary canon seek visibility through self- celebration, subversion of competing critical ideas and identification with supposedly popular, scientific and incisive critical theories. Thus, the literary-critical quest for significance and visibility is, in essence, a quest for „space‟, „voice‟ and „authority‟ in the discussion of aspects of a given literary corpus. This research explores the politics of „space‟, „voice‟ and „authority‟ in „white critical thought‟ on „the black Zimbabwean novel‟. It unfolds in the context of the realisation that as a body of critical discourse on „the black Zimbabwean novel‟, „white critical thought‟ does not only emerge in an intellectual matrix in which it shares and competes for „space‟, „voice‟ and „authority‟ with other bodies of critical thought on the literary episteme in question; it also develops in the ambit of Euro-African cultural politics of hegemony and resistance. Thus, the research sets out to identify the ways in which „white critical thought‟ affirms and perpetuates or questions and negates European critical benchmarks and cultural models in the discussion of selected aspects of „the black Zimbabwean novel‟. The investigation considers the fissures at the heart of „white critical thought‟ as a critical discourse and the myriad of ways in which it interacts with competing critical discourses on the „the black Zimbabwean novel‟. It derives impetus from the fact that while other versions of critical thought on „the black Zimbabwean novel‟ have received extensive metacritical discussion elsewhere, „white critical thought‟ remains largely under-discussed. This phenomenon enables it to solidify into a settled body of critical thought. The metacritical discussion of „white critical thought‟ in this research constitutes part of the repertoire of efforts that will help check the solidification of critical discourses into hegemonic bodies of thought. The research makes use of Afrocentric and Postcolonial critical tenets to advance the contention that while „white critical thought‟ on „the black Zimbabwean novel‟ is fraught with fissures and contradictions that speak directly to its complexity and resistance to neat categorisation, it is largely vulnerable to identification as part of the paraphernalia of European cultural and intellectual hegemony in African literature and its criticism, given its tendency to discuss the literature outside the context of critical theories that emerge from the same culture and history with the literary corpus in question. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Political advertising on television is a relatively “new” phenomenon in South African general election campaigns (circa 2008). The purpose of this study is to analyse and compare the three sampled 2009 and 2014 African National Congress (A.N.C.) political television advertisements, with a specific focus on the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric in the communication of election campaign messages. To achieve this goal, the study reviewed literature in the subject of rhetoric and post-colonial perspectives in the areas of Afrocentrism and Eurocentrism, focusing specifically on the seminal work of the Afro-centrist, Molefi Asante, and the anti-Western-centric scholar, Samin Amin. The study uses social semiotics (as both a theoretical approach and a research methodological framework). As a theoretical approach, the social semiotic approach was conceptualised by Valentin Voloshinov (1973) and Michael Halliday (1978), and it argues for the creation of social meaning within a text and within a society. The study focuses on the former, the creation of meaning within a text, that is, the content of the three sampled political advertisements. As a research framework, the approach was adapted by Gunther Kress and Theo van Leeuwen (1996). The study favours their social semiotic research method which provide the interpreter/researcher with dimensions, or “tools’, with which to explicate and deconstruct textual meanings. Thus, in this study, social semiotics as part of the broader field of discourse analysis, was used to deconstruct the latent and manifest ideologies of the non-verbal, verbal and visual rhetoric of two 2009 and one 2014 A.N.C. political television advertisements. Using this combined theoretical framework (rhetoric, social semiotics and Afrocentrism and Eurocentrism), and, research approach, it could be determined whether the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric of these three A.N.C. political television commercials represents Afrocentric and/or Eurocentric post- colonial The main findings of the study show that both the visual and verbal rhetoric of the sampled A.N.C. political television commercials represents a combination of a varying ideological constructs, namely the “nationalist”; “socialist”; “liberal feminist”; and, “liberal capitalist ideologies” (cf. Haywood 1998; Thompson 2003). Furthermore, the findings of the study point out that the verbal, non-verbal and visual rhetoric of the selected A.N.C. political television commercials, are neither exclusively Afrocentric nor Eurocentric in nature. Both post-colonial perspectives are represented, in varying degrees, in the sampled A.N.C. commercials. The study makes a significant contribution to the political communication landscape in South Africa, in that, it is an exclusively qualitative content analysis, as opposed to previous, quantitative content-analysis studies (cf. Fourie 2008; Fourie & Froneman 2003; Fourie & Froneman 2001). It is also important to note that as far as can be determined, that this is the first study to use social semiotics, as either a theoretical framework or a research method. The key limitation of the study is that, it only focuses on three purposely sampled A.N.C. election campaign television advertisements, and does not include the political television advertisements of opposition political parties, such as the Democratic Alliance. / Communication Science / M.A. (Communication)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Miami University, Dept. of Educational Leadership, 2004. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 168-208).