Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:40:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Ao assumir expressamente o princípio da dignidade humana como fundamento da República Federativa do Brasil, a Constituição de 1988 consagrou um corpo de direitos voltados à proteção da pessoa humana que ocupa, portanto, posição central no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Compreender a razão de ser dos direitos humanos e da centralidade da pessoa humana no texto constitucional implica antes reconhecer que existe um discurso hegemônico que pressupõe que o ocidente criou e desenvolveu essa idéia e, após tê-la amadurecido suficientemente, exportou-a para os demais países do mundo. Valores individualistas ganharam espaço no mundo moderno e contemporâneo, fundando um modelo de sociedade baseado na exclusão, na agressividade e no estranhamento. Nesse sentido, os direitos humanos passaram a ser vistos como a continuidade de um processo de expansão de questionáveis valores ocidentais, após o fim do período colonialista que sucedeu a Segunda Guerra Mundial, constituindo, dessa forma, a derivação de um projeto genuiname

Cette recherche interroge le problème auquel se trouvent confrontés les chercheurs qui, en Relations Internationales, dénoncent la domination « occidentale » au sein de cette discipline. Afin de promouvoir le dialogue et la diversité à l’échelle globale, ils défendent l’intérêt d’une démarche réflexive contre les pratiques de fermeture et de hiérarchisation exercées, selon eux, par les chercheurs « mainstream » « positivistes ». Vingt ans après les débuts du programme réflexiviste cependant, l’émergence d’une autocritique sème le doute sur les capacités de ce projet à produire une alternative aux pratiques académiques qu’il dénonce: les chercheurs réflexivistes en Relations Internationales reproduisent-ils la « domination occidentale » qu’ils révoquent ?Pour mener à bien cette recherche, nous avons analysé la publication internationale en Relations Internationales comme une situation d’énonciation à laquelle nous participons en tant que chercheuse réflexiviste. Une enquête socio-historique, menée sur l’internationalisation des chercheurs en RI en Inde et au Brésil, ainsi que l’analyse de différents corpus composés des discours des agents sur lesquels portent notre enquête (les chercheurs « réflexivistes », les chercheurs « mainstream », et les chercheurs indiens et brésiliens), représentent nos sources principales.Conformément aux soupçons formulés par l’autocritique, notre travail met en avant l’eurocentrisme de la thèse de la domination occidentale. Il révèle en outre la naturalisation particulière des rapports sociaux produits par le réflexivisme du fait de son ambition émancipatrice. Cependant, contrairement à cette critique de la critique, nous percevons comme un point positif la prise en compte, par les réflexivistes, de leur participation aux processus de hiérarchisation académique. En effet, notre expérimentation montre que l’acceptation de notre participation aux rapports sociaux que nous étudions a représenté la condition nécessaire pour transformer nos propres rapports sociaux, dans le sens de la diversité et du dialogue académique que nous recherchons. / This research focuses on the problems faced by International Relations scholars who denounce the « Western »-domination of their discipline. In order to promote academic dialogue and diversity, they defend the use of reflexivity against the parochial and discriminative practices allegedly conducted by those they designate as the « mainstream » « positivist » literature. Twenty years after the beginning of the movement, self-criticisms have emerged among the reflexivists. This self-critical appraisal suspects reflexivism of not being able to produce an alternative to the academic practices it denounces; are reflexivist scholars merely reproducing the « Western-domination » they denounce?In order to complete this research, I have analysed International Relations international publication processes as a situation of utterance in which I participate as a reflexivist researcher. A socio-historical investigation on the internationalisation of International Relations in Brazil and India, as well as a textual analysis composed of the discourses of the different academic groups under investigation (the reflexivists, the « mainstream », and the Indian and Brazilian International Relations scholars) represent my main sources of analysis. In accordance with the self-criticism suspicions, my research puts forward the eurocentrism of the « Western-domination thesis ». It also highlights how the fact that reflexivism poses as « critical » generates a specific status quo. However, contrary to this critique of the critique, I consider that, by taking into further account their participation in academic discriminative processes, reflexivists are engaging an encouraging dynamic for reflexivism in International Relations. Indeed the experimentation I conducted through this PhD shows that the acceptance of our participation in the social dynamics we study represents a necessary step toward transforming our social relations in favour of more academic dialogue and diversity.

This thesis argues that the role of the United Nations’ (UN) human rights regime is to constitute all peoples into a specific universal standard of civilization, which this thesis identifies as the UN meta-civilization. Meta-civilization is defined as the UN’s colonial and imperial impulse to legislate, implement and enforce human rights in ways which are meant to uniquely ‘civilize’. Analysis of the doctrinal and theoretical foundations of international law illustrates the historical and contemporary power dynamics that enable the UN to ‘universalize’ human rights. As a case in point, the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations (UNAoC) political dialogue highlights the UN’s constitution of the meta-civilization. The case study proves the UN meta-civilization is hegemonic in its claim to universality. In the end, this analysis demonstrates that more consideration about the appropriate utility of human rights within the theories and practices of international relations and international law is required. / Graduate

Orientadores: Carmen Zink Bolognini, Berthold Zilly / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos de Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T02:07:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santana_VaneteDutra_D.pdf: 1047331 bytes, checksum: 151d46f3b88190e6294c4b06c25bdac3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Até recentemente, parece ter sido natural a representação das culturas de regiões periféricas como um refletor das idéias forjadas na cultura dominante, a européia. Assim, o que foi produzido pelos europeus sobre a América Latina tem sido considerado verdade absoluta, como a imagem criada por Hans Staden, aventureiro alemão do século XVI, sobre o Brasil em seu livro Warhaftige Historia (Verdadeira história), e reforçada pelo viajante alemão do século XIX Robert Avé-Lallemant em sua adaptação Hans Staden von Homberg bei den brasilienischen Wilden oder die Macht des Glaubens und Betens (Hans Staden, de Homberg, com os selvagens brasileiros ou o poder da fé e da oração). Uma vez que Staden afirmou estar contando a verdadeira história de um país de selvagens nus e canibais chamado Brasil, não só a região à qual se referia, mas todo o país que ela viria a compor, passou a ser representado ¿ inclusive no imaginário nacional atual ¿ como uma terra exótica, onde cobras e selvagens enfeitados com penas se misturam pelas ruas, sem se questionar o objeto das observações de Staden. O Brasil, ou o que podemos chamar Brasil, é uma criação do século XIX, portanto o que Staden falou a respeito das terras onde esteve na segunda metade do século XVI só pode servir para se referir àquelas terras e naquela época, quando não havia nem unidade territorial, nem cultural, nem autonomia política que pudesse caracterizar o que chamamos Brasil. Porém, a despeito de a contestação do eurocentrismo ser um fenômeno pós-moderno, já havia no Brasil do início do século XX uma intelligentisia disposta a contestar o modelo eurocêntrico de representação de nosso país. Um caso exemplar dessa contestação pode ser encontrado na adaptação que Monteiro Lobato, intelectual e empreendedor, fez do livro de Staden ao desconstruir a imagem do bom-europeu apresentando a verdadeira história de Staden a partir da perspectiva de integrantes da tribo tupinambá (tribo de índios que habitava o litoral da região sudeste do atual Brasil e da qual Staden foi prisioneiro). De herói branco ¿ imagem auto-construída e reforçada ao longo de séculos ¿, Staden passa a ser apresentado por Lobato como um covarde que só escapou de ser devorado em um ritual antropofágico por chorar e implorar a seu Deus que salvasse sua vida. Considerando esse corpus e tendo como pano de fundo suas condições de produção, procuramos demonstrar como as relações inter-culturais entre Brasil e Europa foram re-contextualizadas pelo escritor brasileiro, abrindo espaço para o questionamento das idéias eurocêntricas e para uma reflexão nacional ¿ brasileira ¿ sobre si próprio ¿ o brasileiro ¿ e seu país ¿ o Brasil ¿, no sentido de construir uma identidade brasileira. Nosso objetivo específico foi mostrar como o interesse de Lobato ao recontar a história de Staden a partir de sua perspectiva não-eurocêntrica, desconstruindo a imagem do bom-europeu e valorizando a cultura indígena, faria parte de um projeto maior, relacionado à sua atuação no mercado editorial e na política, que teria por finalidade construir uma certa brasilidade por meio da absorção não passiva (adaptação aos interesses locais) da cultura universal ¿ algo semelhante ao que Goethe e os românticos alemães fizeram visando à construção da germanidade (Deutschheit). Como abordamos a construção de identidade a partir de uma perspectiva lingüística e como a língua é um dos elementos fundamentais da cultura, estendemo-nos a outros temas, tais como o processo de formação da língua portuguesa falada no Brasil e da nação brasileira, considerando os grupos raciais, culturais e lingüísticos que a compuseram, bem como alguns aspectos históricos, políticos e econômicos envolvidos / Abstract: Until recently, the representation of non-mainstream religious cultures has been natural as a reflection of the ideas forged in the dominate culture, European. In this way, what was produced by the Europeans about Latin America was considered to be the absolute truth, like the image created by Hans Staden, 16th century German adventurer, about Brazil in his book Warhaftige Historia (True History), and reinforced by the 19th century German traveler Robert Avé-Lallemant in his adaption Hans Staden von Homberg bei den brasilienischen Wilden oder die Macht des Glaubens und Betens (Hans Staden, de Homberg, with savage Brazilians or the power of faith and prayer). Once Staden claimed that he was telling the true story of a country of naked savages and cannibals called Brazil, not just referring to the region, but the whole country that is comprises, it started to be represented ¿ including in the modern national imagination ¿ as an exotic land, where snakes and decorated savages with feathers walk through the streets, without even questioning themselves about the observations of Staden. Brazil, or what we can call Brazil, is a 19th century creation, however what Staden said about the lands where he was in the second half of the 16th century can only serve to describe the lands and in that time, when there wasn¿t even territorial or cultural unity nor political autonomy that could characterize what we call Brazil. However, despite the argument that eurocentrism is a post-modern phenomenon, there had already been an intelligentsia, in Brazil in the 19th century ready to contest the Eurocentric model of representation of our country. An excellent example of this argument can be found in the adaption that Monteiro Lobato, intellectual and entrepreneur, which he did to Staden's book by deconstructing the image of the good-European presenting a true history of Staden from the perspective of members from the Tupinambá tribe (Indian tribe that inhabited the southeastern coast of modern-day Brazil and of whom he was prisoner). Of the white hero ¿ a self-constructed image and reinforced throughout the centuries ¿, Staden became presented by Lobato as a coward that escaped being devoured in an anthropological ritual by crying and begging to his God to save his life. Considering this corpus and having these conditions of production as a background, we are trying to demonstrate how the intercultural relations between Brazil and Europe were recontextualied by the Brazilian writer, opening space for the questioning of Eurocentric ideas and for national reflection ¿ Brazilian ¿ about himself- the Brazilian ¿ and his country ¿ Brazil ¿, with the intention of constructing a Brazilian identity. Our specific objective was to show how Lobato's interest, by telling the history from a non-eurocentric perspective, deconstructing the image of the good-European and valuing indigenous culture, would be part of a larger project, related to the publishing market and in policy, that would have the final purpose of constructing a certain Brazilianity by means of non-passive abortion (adaption to local interests) of universal culture ¿ something similar to that which Goethe and the romantic Germans did envisioning the construction of Germanity (Deutschheit). Having touched upon the construction of identity from a linguistic perspective and as language is one of the fundamental elements of the culture, we branched out to other themes, such as the process of the formation of the Portuguese language as it is spoken in Brazil and of the Brazilian nation, considering racial, cultural and linguist groups, the compose it, along with some historical, political and involved economic aspects / Doutorado / Teoria, Pratica e Ensino da Tradução / Doutor em Linguística Aplicada

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This research gives an academic perspective on eleven articles written by Doria Shafiq and published in Bint an-Nīl 1948-1956, where the ideological undertones of her feminist discourse were critically examined. The purpose of this qualitative analysis was to study how Shafiq, in an Egyptian context, discussed the contemporary women's societal participation and status, but also which ideological values and conceptions were prominent in her articles. Gayatri Spivak’s reconceptualization of representation and Chandra Mohanty’s identification of ethnocentrism in feminist discourse, were drawn upon to examine representation, agency, essentialisation and Eurocentrism. An extensive linguistic analysis and examination of the socio-cultural context were conducted, using Norman Fairclough’s Dialectical-Relational Approach. The results showed that women’s agency was grammatically reduced and that women in object formation were described as a monolithic entity. Conflicting statements exhibited an ideological shift in the content, as a reflection of how the contemporary political conditions changed in Egypt. Doria Shafiq both reproduced a patriarchal discourse that perpetuated discursive victimisation of women, but also subtly induced liberal values and progressive depictions of the contemporary Egyptian woman.

Between the years 1962 and 2013, the Swedish government gave over $6 billion in development assistance to Tanzania. Despite this, the country remains to be one of the poorest countries in the world. The Swedish aid has failed to achieve the one thing it was destined for - helping Tanzania rise from poverty. This raises the question whether aid really works or not. Some scholars argue that aid assistance is primarily dictated by strategic and political interests, wherein Western states still exercise power through colonialism, merely in other forms. Could this then be the case within Sweden and Tanzania's aid relations? The purpose of this study is to analyze various cases from the aid relationship between Sweden and Tanzania in order to find if there are any hidden intentions. By problematizing the aid relation through the theories of Neocolonialism and Eurocentrism, this thesis aims to identify if these intentions can be connected to the theories in question. Furthermore, suggestions for an aid relation without the characteristics of Neocolonial and Eurocentric theories are presented. This has been achieved through a qualitative content analysis of carefully selected material to bring relevant points and perspectives to the study. The study finally concludes that traces of the theories of Neocolonialism and Eurocentrism exist within aid relations between Sweden and Tanzania.

In recent years localisation has risen on the agenda in the humanitarian sector. It is seen to have great deal of benefits including being more cost efficient, more sensitive to culture and context and offers quicker responses. Opponents to this claim that it is too difficult to know whichactors can be trusted and that there is a risk that they do not comply with the humanitarian principles. In addition to this, concerned voices have risen that criticise the use of the term ‘local’. It lacks a common definition and is often used without a discussion of who it refers to. Changing this is of vital importance if the humanitarian sector wants to work against the power imbalances that remain from colonialism. Critical localism is a theory that criticises this arbitrary use of ‘local’ and sets out a framework for a variety of factors that should be taken into consideration when discussing and defining the ‘local’. This thesis is a case study conducted through a theoretical thematic analysis thatinvestigates if the localisation initiative Local to Global Protection complies with the guidelines of critical localism, with an additional focus on Eurocentric presence in academic work. The results from this study can be used to shed light on the problem with an arbitrary portrayal of ‘local’ while also offering real examples from the humanitarian field on how to avoid it. The findings showed that the initiative complied with the guidelines to a large degree. Its strongest area was the way ‘locals’ were presented from their own point of view instead of letting large international actors present their view of them. The part that showed most room for improvement was the lack of representation of the authors own bias in the portrayal of the ‘local’.

Sverige är idag ett mångkulturellt land vilket även präglar skolans förutsättningar. De förändrade förutsättningarna och nya utmaningarna för den svenska skolan är ett resultat av bland annat det mångkulturella samhällets framväxt, och en liknande utveckling pågår i flera länder. Med denna bakgrund har vi i vår kunskapsöversikt valt att belysa de utmaningar och möjligheter som finns i historieundervisningen i det mångkulturella klassrummet. Metoden för kunskapsöversikten är informationssökning där vi med hjälp av databaserna ERIC (Education Resources Information Center), ERC (Education Research Complete) och Swepub hittat relevant material för att besvara våra frågeställningar.  Vår kunskapsöversikt belyser i resultatets första del de utmaningar som finns idag i svenska skolans mångkulturella klassrum. Här kommer vi att utförligt redogöra för utmaningar såsom: segregerade betygsresultat, monokulturell undervisning och skolans oförmåga att nå upp till de likvärdighets- och interkulturella mål som Skolverket satt. Vidare kommer resultatdelen att behandla olika strategier för att bemöta de krav som mångkulturella klassrum ställer på skolan och undervisningen. I denna del kommer vi att beröra interkulturell undervisning, narrativ identitet, fyra strategier samt ökat stöd till lärare i sin profession.  Utmaningarna och möjligheterna som kunskapsöversikten belyser ställer stora krav på lärarprofessionen. Forskning om hur lärare tillämpar dessa strategier i undervisningen är nödvändig för att kunna genomföra en historieundervisning som tar hänsyn till det mångkulturella klassrummet. Det mångkulturella samhället har med säkerhet kommit för att stanna och därför behöver man se över historieämnets innehåll och förmedling i undervisningen i det mångkulturella klassrummet.

The history teacher training program at Malmö University used to hold a course entitled World Histories, which focused giving the students a nuanced image of world history, in contrast to the one commonly known, which is shaped by colonial and eurocentric discourses. However, the literature in this course was not scrutinised to any extent, and the purpose of this study is therefore to find out whether the anti-eurocentric literature is also dominated by those same discourses by performing a critical discourse analysis of it. The result shows that the studied books are indeed formed by the eurocentric discourse even if there are instances of discursive battle between, for instance a postcolonial discourse and the former. The conclusion of this study is that it appears to be very hard to move outside of the eurocentric discourse while simultaneously adhering to a traditional historical narrative and that other types of history than the traditional economic one need to be revaluated and researched. Until then, fiction might be a way of including perspectives of world history in teaching, and thus make visible and give voice to those marginalised by the eurocentric narrative.