What factors account for variation in institutional development in the direction of greater or lesser regime complexity? To answer this question, this dissertation develops a distributive historical theory that connects the micro-foundations of state choice to the macro-processes of institutional development. I argue that distributive conflict over the terms of cooperation in a regime provides dissatisfied states with incentives to pursue institutional change. Yet there are centripetal forces that can bias regime development towards the status quo. The ways in which these forces of change and stability interact result in variations of institutional development and regime complexity. From the distributive historical theory, I derive and test a set of hypotheses through cross-case analysis of the regimes constructed to address ozone depletion, the overfishing of global stocks, and climate change. Across the cases, I find that dissatisfied actors continuously contest the status quo institutional arrangements to gain distributive advantages. Still, regimes tend to develop in a strongly path-dependent manner because institutions are resistant to change and because the status quo beneficiaries employ strategies that blunt the impact of the dissatisfied actors’ actions. / Political Science

For the European Union (EU), the field of trade policy is a main field in which the EU can assert its actorness and build its identity as an international actor. This "superpower" potential arises out of the EU's extensive resource equipment in trade policy and is driven forward by the EU's significant economic interests. To what extent, however, the EU has been able to use its resources to shape the rules of the international trade regime according to its own preferences has remained questionable. This thesis investigates the question of the EU's impact on and power utilisation in the international trade regime by analysing the EU's changing involvement in World Trade Organisation (WTO) negotiations. Drawing from the theoretical concepts of the "international regime" and "power", the thesis proposes an approach centred on the possession, mobilisation and impact of actors' power in international regimes. In particular, the thesis proposes a framework centred on five key elements: specification of the regime, its qualities and focus; the resources or 'underlying power' that actors bring to the regime; the resources derived by actors from the operation of the regime itself, or 'organisationally dependent capabilities'; the manifestation or deployment of resources and strategies by actors in negotiations; and outcomes defined in terms of actors' power over the regime itself. After an examination of the broad context of the WTO's development and the EU's involvement in the international trade regime, this framework is then explored through a detailed study of the EU's involvement in the negotiations over trade in services that took place in the WTO between 1995 and 2005, using evidence from a wide range of documentary sources and from interviews. On the basis of this exploration of trade in services, the thesis finds that despite the EU's outstanding resources, the WTO negotiations have become too complex for the EU to decisively influence them due to a power shift in the international trade regime. The special nature of the trade in services negotiations makes these particularly unmanageable and they do not seem to present the EU with a setting for achieving its preferences. A lack of cooperation among the WTO members in favour of the negotiations has made progress in the negotiations very hard to realise for the EU. At the same time, the erosion of the EU's resources by the shifting attitude in civil society towards trade policy, and an apparent Jack of business support, has increased the challenge for the EU of managing the international trade regime. Questions are therefore raised about the extent to which the EU has responded to change, mobilised its resources effectively and had a consistent impact on the international trade regime since the mid-1990s.

In order to understand how and why the white continent ended up being reserved for peaceful use, scientific investigation and international cooperation, this thesis analyses the history of Antarctic international relations between the 6th International Geographical Congress and the signature of the Antarctic Treaty. Following Giddens\' Theory of Structuration, Adler & Pouliot´s communities of practice perspective and Haas and Adler´s epistemic community concept, the following research proposes a multi-level and multi-dimensional framework aimed to overcome the limitations of the usual interpretations of the origins of the Antarctic regime. Making use of archival material from Argentina, Australia, Chile, the United Kingdom and the United States of America, this research emphasizes the role that science played in the international relations related to Antarctica along with political, economic and ideational aspects. Through the following pages I show how the initial impetus for Antarctic exploration originated rather in a sincere scientific desire, than in any geopolitical interest in the Southern regions. The latter would only develop once the economic interest was fostered by the emergence of Antarctic whaling, which would install a logic of territorial competition. Eventually, the instrumentalisation of science by the political interest would both limit the freedom of manoeuvre of scientists and scientific institutions but also allowed them to develop a more intensive Antarctic programme and influence the political decision-making process. It would be eventually the scientific community, through the promotion of international cooperation during the International Geophysical Year, who would enable to search a viable political formula to settle the Antarctic question. However, only when favourable circumstances were combined with the presence of a constituted international epistemic Antarctic community, the structured values attached to the Antarctic activity could be crystallized in principles incorporated in an international agreement for Antarctica. At last, the role of science and the values attached to its practice were recognized in the Antarctic Treaty, while at the same time the exclusivity of the political sphere on Antarctic questions was demanded by the nation-state governments, relegating scientists and scientific institutions to their fields of expertise and guaranteeing the conditions through which their practice could be satisfied. Considering that, the Antarctic regime appears as a crystallization of a complex and extensive sociological process in which science played a key role and, the same time, acknowledged the position of the state as the prominent political actor in Antarctica. / Esta tese procura entender como e por que o continente branco acabou sendo preservado para uso pacífico, investigação científica e cooperação internacional, analisando a história das relações internacionais antárticas entre o 6º Congresso Geográfico Internacional e a assinatura do Tratado Antártico. Seguindo a Teoria da Estruturação de Giddens, a perspectiva das comunidades de práticas de Adler e Pouliot e o conceito de comunidade epistêmica de Haas e Adler, a pesquisa propõe um marco analítico multinível e multidimensional destinado a superar as limitações das interpretações usuais das origens do regime antártico. Fazendo uso de material de arquivo da Argentina, Austrália, Chile, Estados Unidos e Reino Unido, a pesquisa enfatiza o papel que a ciência desempenhou nas relações internacionais referentes à Antártida juntamente com os outros fatores envolvidos, tais como o político, econômico e ideacional. Nas páginas a seguir, analiso como o ímpeto inicial para a exploração antártica originou-se de um desejo científico sincero, mais do que qualquer interesse geopolítico na Antártida. Este último só se desenvolveria uma vez que o interesse econômico fosse estimulado pelo surgimento da indústria baleeira na Antártida, que resultou na instalação de uma lógica de competição territorial. No final, a instrumentalização da ciência pelo interesse político limitou a liberdade de manobra dos cientistas e instituições científicas, mas também permitiu que desenvolvessem um programa antártico mais intensivo e influenciassem o processo de decisão política. A comunidade científica, através da promoção da cooperação internacional do Ano Geofísico Internacional, permitiu a busca de uma fórmula política viável para resolver a questão antártica. Entretanto, somente quando circunstâncias favoráveis foram combinadas com uma comunidade epistêmica internacional antártica constituída, os valores estruturados ligados à atividade antártica se cristalizaram em princípios incorporados em um acordo internacional para a Antártida. O Tratado da Antártida reconheceu eficientemente o papel da ciência e os valores ligados à sua prática, ao mesmo tempo em que reivindicou a exclusividade da esfera política na questão antártica para os governos dos Estados nacionais, relegando cientistas e instituições científicas a seus campos de atuação especializados e garantindo as condições através das quais a sua prática poderia ser alcançada. A partir dessa perspectiva, o regime antártico aparece como a solidificação de um processo sociológico complexo e extenso no qual a ciência desempenhou um papel fundamental - mesmo quando não foi exclusivo - e, ao mesmo tempo, aceitou a posição do Estado como ator político proeminente na Antártica.

O estudo de adesão a regimes internacionais se desenvolveu na década de 1990 e a partir de então seu crescimento se deu majoritariamente no campo empírico, principalmente nos estudos sobre regimes de direitos humanos. Para além dessa constatação, quanto mais o campo de estudo de adesão aos regimes internacionais amadurece, mais os estudos tendem a analisar os aspectos domésticos que levaram à adesão de uma norma internacional e quais as implicações políticas de seguir ou não um determinado regime. Tendo em vista esse panorama geral, esta dissertação de mestrado pretende analisar quais as circunstâncias político-sociais domésticas que levam um país a aderir um regime de direitos humanos, no período de 1966 a 2012. Para tanto, analisamos seis tratados internacionais: o Pacto Internacional dos Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais (1966), o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos (1966), a Convenção sobre a Eliminação de Todas as Formas de Discriminação contra a Mulher (1979), a Convenção contra a tortura e outros tratamentos ou penas cruéis, desumanos ou degradantes (1984) e a Convenção do Direito das Crianças (1989) e seu Protocolo Adicional (2000). Os resultados indicam que a variável que mais impacta a adesão é o tipo de regime político do Estado, as democracias tendem a aderir mais aos regimes internacionais de direitos humanos do que as autocracias. O que reforça a teoria da Paz Democrática, que investiga se há uma diferença no plano internacional entre o comportamento das democracias em relação às autocracias. / The studies of ratification to international regimes developed in the 1990s and since then its growth was mainly in the empirical field, especially in studies on human rights regimes. In addition to this observation, the more the study of membership to international regimes field matures, the more the studies tend to analyze the domestic aspects that led to the membership of an international norm and to understand the political implications to comply or not with a particular regime. Given this overall picture, this dissertation aims at examining the domestic political and social circumstances that lead a country to join a human rights regime, from 1966 to 2012. Therefore, six international treaties were analyzed: the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1984) and the Convention of the Rights of Children (1989) and its Additional Protocol (2000). The results indicate that the variable that most impacts the membership is the political regime of a state, democracies tend to adhere more to international human rights regimes than autocracies. This reinforces the theory of Democratic Peace, which investigates whether there is a difference at the international level between the behavior of democracies in relation to autocracies.

O tráfico de pessoas configura-se atualmente como a terceira atividade mais lucrativa no mundo e as estimativas sobre seu volume e rendimentos ganham novos números a cada ano. No ano 2000, a Organização das Nações Unidas reconheceu formalmente a necessidade de se lidar com o problema e estabeleceu o principal instrumento jurídico sobre o tema, a Convenção das Nações Unidas contra o Crime Organizado Transnacional (conhecida como Convenção de Palermo), complementada por três Protocolos Adicionais, sendo um deles especificamente relativo ao tráfico de mulheres e crianças. Isso posto, os objetivos deste trabalho são de duas ordens: (1) compreender o papel de características domésticas na ratificação dos Estados a compromissos internacionais, mais especificamente ao Protocolo Adicional à Convenção das Nações Unidas contra a Criminalidade Organizada Transnacional relativo à Prevenção, à Repressão e à Punição do Tráfico de Pessoas, em especial de Mulheres e Crianças e (2) compreender a formação da agenda decisória brasileira sobre o tema e a influência do cenário internacional para isso. Para o primeiro, fazemos uso do arcabouço teórico-metodológico fornecido por estudos que explicam a adesão de países à regimes internacionais, sobretudo os de direitos humanos, empregamos metodologia quantitativa, adotamos como série temporal o período compreendido entre 2000 e 2011, tomamos como amostra os 193 países membros das Nações Unidas e selecionamos como variáveis independentes: regime de governo, tempo de democracia, novas democracias, região geográfica de localização do país, indicador de tráfico humano, tipos de tráfico humano e PIB per capita. Para a segunda dimensão, qualitativa, fazemos uso do arcabouço da área de políticas públicas, sobretudo os estudos relacionados ao processo de formação de agenda e o Modelo de Fluxos Múltiplos, e mapeamos as políticas públicas referentes ao tema produzidas entre 2000 e os dias atuais no Brasil. / Human Trafficking is now the third most profitable activity in the world, and estimates of its volume and earnings are gaining new numbers each year. In 2000, the United Nations formally recognized the need to address the problem and established the main legal instrument on the subject, the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (known as the Palermo Convention), complemented by three Additional Protocols, one of which specifically concerns trafficking in women and children. This paper has two objectives: (1) to understand the role of domestic characteristics in States ratification to international commitments, more specifically to the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, and (2) to understand the Brazilian agenda-setting on the subject and the influence of the international scenario for this. For the first objective, we make use of the theoretical-methodological framework provided by studies that explain the adhesion of countries to international regimes, especially those of human rights, we use quantitative methodology, we use as time series the period between 2000 and 2011, we take as sample the 193 countries part of the United Nations and we selected as independent variables: regime of government, time of democracy, new democracies, geographical location of the country, indicator of human trafficking, types of human trafficking and GDP per capita. For the second dimension, the qualitative one, we make use of the public policy framework, especially the studies related to the process of agenda setting, and we map the initiatives related to the subject produced between 2000 and the present day in Brazil.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to clarify the affect that preferential and regional trade agreements have on the World Trade Organization (WTO), as being establisher of the international trading regime. The essay is an explanatory literature study, which strives to answer the following questions:</p><p>Are regional and preferential trade agreements a threat or a complement to the WTO?</p><p>Is an undermining of the MFN principle weakening the WTO?</p><p>How do regional trade agreements made by the EU affect the future of the WTO?</p><p>The empirical material is to be analyzed using an explanatory framework, which is based on neo-liberal instutionalism, theories on regime changes and a game theoretical approach, using prisoner’s dilemma. I will employ the EU-ACP relation, the Cotonou agreement to exemplify how an agreement of this kind can have an influence on multilateral trade. The result shows that preferential agreements do have an impact on the WTO, one that is fairly negative in scope. Preferential trade agreements do pose a threat to the WTO, in its current structure and may be harmful to the international trading regime. It is partly because the MFN is widely discouraged that PTAs are stumbling stones to the organization. By signing agreement that do not comply with WTO regulations and considering its role in international trade, EU does affect the future of the WTO.</p>

This paper is a law thesis that is based on a combined theoretical framework of Green Legal Theory (GLT) and Theories of International Regimes (TIR). GLT has a broad conception of ‘law’. It is based on the argument that ‘laws’ exist at different levels and in different forms, and that ‘legal laws’ are themselves manifestations of regulatory dynamics that are embedded in institutions and processes; and cultural logics that generate and support those laws. TIR examines the negotiation, development, formation, and sustenance of international regimes. The paper is a critical analysis of, especially, the combined effects of capitalist laws and the liberal democratic system of state-based governance. This allows me to highlight the underlying factors/dynamics that are responsible for the continuing inability to address climate change because of the mandated pursuit of energy security (i.e. the regulatory imperative). The analysis revolves around four key global actors, which are the multinational corporations (MNCs), the state, civil society (Non-governmental Organizations), and global institutions. First, I discuss the growing economic and political powers of MNCs in a liberalized and deregulated system, and establish the need for a better regulatory system. Second, I criticize the territorial sovereignty principle and deconstruct the contemporary system of national governance, while highlighting the need to relax the Westphalian system for global constitutionalism. Third, I analyze two approaches to globalization, and make a case against ‘globalization from above’ while arguing for ‘globalization from below’. I also highlighted the crucial role non-governmental organizations have begun to play in global governance. Fourth, I make a critical analysis of inter-state relations in global institutions to show the underlying factors that have compromised the level of cooperation needed to address the conundrum. Finally, based on all of the issues that I analyze in the paper, I propose some foundational principles, and a specific strategy, that would help to propel the needed re-form in global governance, to help to restore its ability to address global problems / Graduate / 0398 / 0616 / ikulasi@yahoo.com

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o processo de integração e cooperação econômica no Mercado Comum do Sul (MERCOSUL). Constatando-se não haver no horizonte próximo uma perspectiva de reforma da arquitetura financeira internacional, será analisado o papel que as instituições internacionais podem desempenhar em empresas dessa estirpe. Para tanto, do ponto de vista da Teoria Econômica, será utilizada a Teoria das Áreas Monetárias Ótimas (TAMO) e seus corolários desenvolvidos posteriormente nos trabalhos seminais de Mundell (1961), McKinnon (1963) e Kennen (1969), bem como a literatura relativa às instituições monetárias e financeiras em países em desenvolvimento. Do ponto de vista da Teoria das Relações Internacionais, o liberalismo das instituições irá ilustrar a importância destas, se o objetivo em mira pelos Estados Nacionais for o aprofundamento da integração econômica. Nesse sentido, introduzir-se-á, na análise econômica, o conceito da anarquia internacional e suas implicações nas relações entre Estados. A cooperação é tornada possível se os atores internacionais valeremse da estratégia TIT FOR TAT, baseada na reciprocidade. / This study aims to analyze the process of economic integration and cooperation. Due to the assumption that, at least in a near future, there will not be the perspective of reform in the international financial architecture, what will be analyzed is the role of international institutions and what can be done in this regard. In this sense, concerning the economical theory, the Theory of Optimum Currency Areas (TOCA) will be used, as well as the papers developed after those three works and the literature related to the financial and monetary institutions in developing economies. From the view of International Relations, institutional liberalism will shed light to the importance of the latter, if the States are to deepen the economic integration. In this sense, one introduces the concept of international anarchy and its implications to relations between States. Cooperation is possible, if the international actors adopt the TIT FOR TAT strategy, based upon reciprocity.

Esta dissertação tem como intuito entender a cooperação em segurança e defesa no espaço andino amazônico, a partir do arcabouço teórico de regimes e cooperação internacional, sendo enfocadas as abordagens do institucionalismo em sua discussão com as proposições do realismo, e o neofuncionalismo, bem como comunidades de segurança. Dessa forma, buscamos através da síntese teórica que compreende também as concepções acerca da cooperação transfronteiriça entender esta no espaço geográfico. Ademais, como observamos um alto grau de interdependência em relação aos problemas de segurança dos países amazônicos que se referem, basicamente, a ameaças transnacionais. Assim, nesta pesquisa propomos a partir da abordagem dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança de Barry Buzan e Ole Waever, trabalhar com a ideia de um Complexo Regional de Segurança Andino- Brasileiro. Tendo em vista as ações colaborativas demandadas pela arquitetura de segurança regional é desenvolvida uma análise a cerca dos processos de integração regional: a Organização do Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica e a União dos Países Sul-Americanos e o avanço mais significativo para a cooperação em segurança e defesa na América da Sul, a instituição do Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano. Tendo em vista a relevância do Brasil na região analisamos as políticas deste país para as áreas de fronteira, pois este constitui um lócus privilegiado para observar processos de integração à medida que estas áreas são uma das mais afetadas pela integração. Neste sentido, observamos que no espaço andino- amazônico, especialmente no Brasil, houve um processo de securitização das fronteiras, com os países adotando políticas de defesa que prezam pela introspecção nacional, como observamos no caso brasileiro com políticas de aumento da vigilância das fronteiras. Porém, podemos observar que tais ações também podem ampliar o leque de ações colaborativas, podendo ser incorporadas aos processos de integração, por meio da articulação entre as políticas externa e de defesa. / This dissertation aims to understand cooperation in security and defense in the Amazonian Andean space, from the theoretical framework of regimes and international cooperation, and focused approaches of institutionalism in his discussion with the propositions of realism, and neofunctionalism and communities security. Therefore, we sought through theoretical synthesis that also includes conceptions of the Cross-Border Cooperation to understand this I that geographic space. Moreover, as we observed a high degree of interdependence with security problems of Amazonian countries, that basically concern transnational threats. Thus, in this research we propose using the approach of the Regional Security Complexes by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, working with the idea of an Andean-Brazilian Regional Security Complex. Given that collaborative actions are demanded by the architecture of regional security, an analysis about the processes of regional integration is developed: the Organization of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty and the Union of South American Countries and most significant advance for cooperation in security and defense in of South America, the institution of the Council of the South American Defense. Given the importance of Brazil in the region, we analyzed the policies of this country to the border areas, because this is a privileged place to observe integration processes, as these areas are the most affected by the integration. In this regard, we note that in the Andean - Amazon region, especially in Brazil , there was a process of securitization of borders, with countries adopting policies to protect this areas which have the character of national introspection, as noted in the Brazilian case with policies increased border surveillance. However, we observe that such actions can also extend the range of collaborative actions by being incorporated into the integration processes, through the articulation between the foreign and defense policies.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o processo de integração e cooperação econômica no Mercado Comum do Sul (MERCOSUL). Constatando-se não haver no horizonte próximo uma perspectiva de reforma da arquitetura financeira internacional, será analisado o papel que as instituições internacionais podem desempenhar em empresas dessa estirpe. Para tanto, do ponto de vista da Teoria Econômica, será utilizada a Teoria das Áreas Monetárias Ótimas (TAMO) e seus corolários desenvolvidos posteriormente nos trabalhos seminais de Mundell (1961), McKinnon (1963) e Kennen (1969), bem como a literatura relativa às instituições monetárias e financeiras em países em desenvolvimento. Do ponto de vista da Teoria das Relações Internacionais, o liberalismo das instituições irá ilustrar a importância destas, se o objetivo em mira pelos Estados Nacionais for o aprofundamento da integração econômica. Nesse sentido, introduzir-se-á, na análise econômica, o conceito da anarquia internacional e suas implicações nas relações entre Estados. A cooperação é tornada possível se os atores internacionais valeremse da estratégia TIT FOR TAT, baseada na reciprocidade. / This study aims to analyze the process of economic integration and cooperation. Due to the assumption that, at least in a near future, there will not be the perspective of reform in the international financial architecture, what will be analyzed is the role of international institutions and what can be done in this regard. In this sense, concerning the economical theory, the Theory of Optimum Currency Areas (TOCA) will be used, as well as the papers developed after those three works and the literature related to the financial and monetary institutions in developing economies. From the view of International Relations, institutional liberalism will shed light to the importance of the latter, if the States are to deepen the economic integration. In this sense, one introduces the concept of international anarchy and its implications to relations between States. Cooperation is possible, if the international actors adopt the TIT FOR TAT strategy, based upon reciprocity.