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For the benefit of the master : the Montreal needle trades during the transition 1820-1842Poutanen, Mary Anne, 1952- January 1985 (has links)
No description available.
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[pt] O CASO VACIRCA: IMPRENSA E EXPULSÃO DE ESTRANGEIROS NA PRIMEIRA REPÚBLICA / [en] THE VACIRCA CASE: PRESS AND EXPULSION OF FOREIGNERS IN THE FIRST BRAZILIAN REPUBLICISABELLA FURTADO ALVES 09 June 2020 (has links)
[pt] A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar o processo de expulsão do italiano Vincenzo Vacirca, jornalista e militante socialista que veio para o Brasil no final de 1907, ano da sanção da lei de expulsão de estrangeiros. Enviado pelo Partido Socialista Italiano para assumir a direção do jornal Avanti!, sua missão envolvia a denúncia da situação dos migrantes italianos em São Paulo e a organização dos operários na sua luta por direitos. Em julho de 1908, Vacirca foi acusado de ser elemento pernicioso e perturbador da ordem pública, sendo expulso do país apenas sete meses após a sua chegada. A lei de expulsão de estrangeiros foi objeto de análise de diferentes produções historiográficas que buscaram compreender a repressão policial do anarquismo, da criminalidade e do proxenetismo na Primeira República. Menos atenção receberam seus usos para a vigilância da imprensa e a coação do jornalismo dissidente. Vacirca não foi enquadrado como estrangeiro indesejável apenas pela sua atuação em comícios e greves, mas sobretudo pela influência que passou a ter como diretor do jornal e pelas suas matérias sobre as condições de vida dos trabalhadores rurais e urbanos no Brasil. A partir do material da imprensa operária, da cobertura do caso nos grandes jornais de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro, da documentação policial do processo de expulsão e do pedido de habeas corpus, esta dissertação busca compreender as disputas jurídicas e políticas em torno aos usos da lei de expulsão de estrangeiros como mecanismo de restrição da liberdade de imprensa garantida pela Constituição de 1891. / [en] This Master dissertation analyzes the expulsion process of the italian Vincenzo Vacirca, journalist and socialist militant who came to Brazil at the end of 1907 when the law that regulated expulsion of foreigners was sanctioned. Sent by the Italian Socialist Party to take over the of the Avanti! Newspaper, his mission involved denouncing the situation of Italian migrants in Sao Paulo and organizing the workers in their struggle for rights. In July 1908, Vacirca was accused of being a pernicious element and disturbing public order, being expelled from the country just seven months after his arrival. The expulsion of foreigners law was the object of analysis of different historiographical productions that sought to understand the police repression of anarchism, crime and pimping in the First Brazilian Republic. Less attention has been paid to its use for press surveillance and coercion of dissenting journalism. Vacirca was not classified as an undesirable foreigner only for his performance in rallies and strikes, but above all for his influence as director of the newspaper and for his articles on the living conditions of rural and urban workers in Brazil. Through data from the worker s press, coverage from the major newspapers of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, as well as police documentation of the expulsion process and habeas corpus request, this dissertation seeks to understand the legal and political disputes regarding the uses of the law of expulsion of foreigners as a means of restricting press freedom guaranteed by the 1891 Constitution.
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Die geskiedenis en rol van persorgane in die politieke en ekonomiese mobilasasie van die georganiseerde arbeiderbeweging in Suid-Afrika, 1908-1924Visser, Wessel Pretorius 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the course of the 20th century the press played an absolutely crucial role as a source
of information, a medium of communication and propaganda, educator, critic, public
watchdog and in forming and influencing opinion. In this respect the press may also be
regarded as a reflection of South African society. This study investigates the role that the
press played and the influence that it exercised in the political and economic mobilisation
of the organised labour movement during the period 1908 to 1924. In view of the racial
divisions that have prevailed in South Africa, the focus here is specifically on the white
labour movement, because it was this manifestation of the organised labour force that
virtually dominated the first few decades of the twentieth century. During this time the
black labour movement was still to a large extent under-developed and began to emerge
only around the 1920s.
Organised labour flourished during the period under review. This period is characterised as
one of political turbulence, as well as of large scale and serious industrial unrest, as part of
the cathartic process in which the relationship between the state and its subjects in the field
of labour took shape. The study adopts as its point of departure the year 1908, when the
National Convention began its deliberations on the unification of South Africa, which in
turn led to the official founding of the South African Labour Party in October 1909. The
Labour Party operated independently until 1924, when the alliance between the National
Party and the Labour Party won the election held in that year and formed the Pact coalition
government.
From an economic point of view there were two clear positions. On the one hand, there
were the so-called establishment press organizations. These included Afrikaans-language
newspapers, although - because of their ethnic commitments - they were strongly in favour
of the protection of the economic position of the Afrikaner workers. On the other hand,
there were anti-capitalist press organisations that wished to promote proactive steps in
favour of the workers, which in tum often resulted in industrial conflict in the form of
strikes. These tensions in the economic terrain spilled over into the political sphere elections, and here too the press played a central role in the often tense relationship between
state and subject.
In order to understand a meaningful analysis of the social role of the press, the following
press organs and study materials were selected: The Star was the mouthpiece of the
powerful Witwatersrand gold-mining industry. Die Burger and Ons Vaderland played a
great role in the political and economic mobilisation of the Afrikaner working class whose
sympathies lay with the National Party. The following labour-orientated and socialist
papers reflected and interpreted the political and economic points of view of the labour
movement in the period 1908 - 1924: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record,
The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World,
The Bolshevik and The Guardian. In addition, the role of a number of extremist strike
newspapers In mobilising workers during the strikes of 1913, 1914 and 1922, is also
investigated.
The press played an important role in exposing a number of cardinal issues that dominated
the discourse within the labour movement to greater public criticism and discussion. The
effect of this was to raise the struggle between labour and capital for hegemony in the
political and economic life of South Africa - as happened every time during election
campaigns - to the level of the national political debate. Furthermore, the press, and
specifically the right-wing labour and left-wing socialist press organs, also reflected the
deep ideological divisions in the labour movement. In this respect, it was particularly the
views of these press organs on race and the place of black people in the industrial
dispensation that determined and influenced their political creeds. The mobilising power of
the press was vividly illustrated by the strike papers. By propounding militant extremism
these papers often succeeded in sweeping up industrial unrest among workers to the level of
violence, which meant that the authorities were compelled to suppress these publications by
means of martial law proclamations. It is probable that the SALP, and especially the
socialist organisations, on the periphery of the political spectrum, would not have survived
for long in South African politics without the communicative support of their mouthpieces. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gedurende die 20ste eeu het die pers, as bron van inligting, kommunikasie- en
propagandamedium, opvoeder, kritikus, openbare waghond en meningsvormer en -beihvloeder,
'n uiters belangrike samelewingsrol vertolk. In hierdie opsig kan die pers ook as
'n weerspieeling van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing beskou word. Hierdie studie
ondersoek die rol wat die pers gespeel het en die invloed wat dit as openbare
memngsvormer met betrekking tot die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die
georganiseerde arbeiderbeweging gedurende die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 uitgeoefen het.
Gegewe die historiese rasseverdeeldheid in Suid-Afrika, is daar spesifiek op die blanke
arbeiderbeweging gekonsentreer, aangesien dit die arbeidsterrein gedurende die eerste paar
dekades van die twintigste eeu feitlik oorheers het. Die swart arbeiderbeweging was in
daardie stadium nog grootliks onderontwikkeld en het eers om en by die twintigerjare begin
ontwaak.
Die betrokke tydperk was 'n tydperk van hoogbloei VIr die georganiseerde blanke
arbeiderbeweging. Dit word veral gekenmerk as 'n tydperk van politieke onstuirnigheid,
asook van groot en ernstige endemiese nywerheidsonrus en konflik, as dee 1van 'n katarsis
waardeur die verhouding tussen staat en onderdaan op die arbeidsterrein uitgekristalliseer
het. Die vertrekpunt van die studie is 1908, toe die sittings van die Nasionale Konvensie
met die oog op die unifikasie van Suid-Afrika 'n aanvang geneem het en ook aanleiding
gegee het tot die amptelike stigting van die Suid-Afrikaanse Arbeidersparty in
Oktober 1909. Dit strek tot 1924, toe die verkiesingsalliansie van die Nasionale Party en
die Arbeidersparty die oorwinning by die stembus behaal en die Pakt-koalisieregering
gevorm het.
Vanuit 'n ekonomiese oogpunt gesien, was daar twee duidelike stellingnamens. Enersyds
was daar die sogenaamde establishment-persorgane. Hieronder ressorteer ook
Afrikaanstalige koerante, alhoewel hulle as gevolg van 'n etniese verbondenheid sterk ten
gunste van die beskerming van die ekonomiese posisie van die Afrikanerwerkers was.
Andersyds was daar anti-kapitalistiese persorgane wat 'n pro-aktiewe optrede ten behoewe
van die werkers, wat dikwels op nywerheidskonflik in die vorm van stakings uitgeloop het wou bevorder. Hierdie gespannenheid op ekonomiese terrein het oorgespoel na die
politieke sfeer van verkiesings en ook daarin het die pers, in die dikwels gespanne
verhouding tussen owerheid en onderdaan, 'n sentrale rol gespeel.
Ten einde 'n sinvolle ontleding van die samelewingsrol van die pers te kon doen, is die
volgende persorgane as studiemateriaal geselekteer: The Star was die mondstuk van die
magtige kapitalistiese, Witwatersrandse goudmynindustrie. Die Burger en Ons Vaderland
het 'n groot rol in die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die Nasionaalgesinde
Afrikanerwerkersklas vervul. Die volgende arbeider- en sosialistiese blaaie het die
politieke en ekonomiese uitgangspunte van die arbeiderbeweging in die tydperk 1908 tot
1924 weerspieel en vertolk: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The
Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The
Bolshevik en The Guardian. Daarby is ook die mobiliseringsrol wat 'n aantal
ekstremistiese stakersblaaie in die stakings van 1913, 1914 en 1922 gespeel het, ondersoek.
Die pers het 'n belangrike rol gespeel om 'n aantal kardinale kwessies, wat die diskoers
binne die arbeidergeledere oorheers het, ook aan groter openbare kritiek en bespreking
bloot te stel. Sodoende is die stryd tussen arbeid en kapitaal om die hegemonie van die
Suid-Afrikaanse politieke en ekonomiese lewe byvoorbeeld telkens tydens
verkiesingsveldtogte tot die nasionale debat verhef. Daarbenewens het die pers, spesifiek
by monde van die regse arbeider- en linkse sosialistiese persorgane, ook die diepe
ideologiese verdeeldheid in arbeidergeledere weerspieel. In hierdie opsig was dit veral
hulle rassebeskouings en die posisie van die swart man in die nywerheidsbestel wat die
politieke credo van hierdie persorgane bepaal en befuvloed het. Die mobiliseringsmag van
die pers is treffend dem stakerblaaie gemustreer. Dem militante ekstremisme te verkondig,
kon sodanige blaaie dikwels daarin slaag om nywerheidsonrus onder werkers tot die vlak
van geweld op te sweep sodat die owerheid dan genoop was om hierdie publikasies dem
middel van Krygswetproklamasies te onderdruk. Synde op die periferie van die politieke
spektrum, sou die SAAP, en veral die sosia1istiese organisasies, sonder kommunikatiewe
ondersteuning van hulle spreekbuise waarskynlik slegs 'n kortstondige politieke bestaan in
die Suid-Afrikaanse politiek gevoer het.
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Luděk Pik: politický portrét významného plzeňského starosty / Luděk Pik: political profile of eminent mayor of PilsenBartoš, Jakub January 2014 (has links)
The aim of the thesis: to capture the life of the Czech social democratic politician and former mayor of Pilsen, Luděk Pik, with a specific focus on his political activities in the city. This thesis also aims to understand and clarify Pik's relation to Pilsen and the relevance to his life, as well as his essential role in the history of this West Bohemian metropolis. Luděk Pik (18. 5. 1876 Prague - 19. 4. 1948 Pilsen) lived in Pilsen for almost five decades of his life (1901-1948), except the period during the Nazi occupation (1939- 1945). Since 1901 he worked in Pilsen for the Czechoslavonic Social Democratic Workers Party, where he quickly became the local party elite. At the end of the World War I he participated in the establishment of an independent Czechoslovak state. In 1919-1938 he served continuously as mayor of the city of Pilsen and significantly contributed to its modernization and development. He also sat in Cisleithanian and Czechoslovakian legislatures. After the Munich Treaty he was forced to stand down from his political status and was persecuted during the Nazi occupation. The post-war situation prevented his return to a public life. His memoirs and especially his literary works demonstrate his strong patriotic relation to this city. Luděk Pik represents, in modern history of...
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White workers and South Africa's democratic transition, 1977-2011Van Zyl-Hermann, Danelle January 2015 (has links)
No description available.
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Para norte-americano ver. Adidos trabalhistas e operários brasileiros (1943/1952) / For north american view: worker and labor attachésAfonso, Eduardo José 26 January 2011 (has links)
Este trabalho analisa documentos restritos e secretos do Departamento de Estado norte-americano, principalmente os Relatórios Mensais do Trabalho, relatórios do FBI, da CIA e do Departamento do Trabalho dos Estados Unidos, e procura descrever a ação dos Adidos Trabalhistas Americanos e Ingleses no Brasil, no período de 1943 a 1952, como elementos-chave na política externa dos Estados Unidos, direcionada à possível intervenção em assuntos internos brasileiros. O presente estudo destaca, igualmente, a tarefa de líderes sindicais norte-americanos, ligados à Federação Americana do Trabalho e ao Departamento de Estado - em visita ao Brasil no período descrito -, no intento de obter a cooptação de líderes sindicais brasileiros para a associação na formação de uma grande Central Sindical Mundial, cujo intuito era o controle do movimento operário do Brasil e de outros países sob sua influência. Acrescenta-se a esta tese a análise do papel desempenhado por autoridades brasileiras e suas participações dentro do projeto do Departamento de Estado, ou seja, de interferência norte-americana em nossos assuntos internos. / This work is based on the analysis of restricted and secret documents from the State Department of the United States, mainly the Monthly Labor Reports , Reports from FBI, CIA and from the Labor Department of the United States. This study tries to describe the action of the American and British Labor Attachés in Brazil, from 1943 to 1952, as a key element in the American foreign policy towards the possible interference in the internal affairs of Brazil. At the same time this study highlights the work of the labors leaders of the American Federation when they visited Brazil, in that period, to convice the Brazilian Labor leaders to join a World Federation of Labor, whose intention was to control the Brazilian Labor Movement. This study also analyses the roll of the Brasilian authorities and their participation in this State Department Project, which meant interference in the internal Affairs of Brazil
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Övervakning för rikets säkerhet : Svensk säkerhetspolisiär övervakning av utländska personer och inhemsk politisk aktivitet, 1885–1922 / Surveillance for national security : Swedish security police and the monitoring of foreign citizens and domestic political activity, 1885–1922Langkjaer, Jenny January 2011 (has links)
During the 19th century the European states experienced a new kind of threat to their existence. The military threats from other countries were now accompanied by civilian threats that inspired mass protest, terrorism and other menaces to the established order. In Sweden, these threats were mainly seen as connected to the rising labor movement and to a growing number of foreign citizens. The aim of the dissertation is to examine surveillance for national security carried out by the Stockholm Criminal Investigation Department and its Police Bureau between 1885 and 1922. Apart from examining what specific surveillance methods that were used, the dissertation gives an answer to the question why the surveillance was carried out, and why it was carried out the way it was. It also discusses how differences and similarities between the surveillance in Sweden and other countries can be explained and how the surveillance between 1885 and 1922 relates to the corresponding activities during the latter part of the 20th century. The main conclusions are that there was a lack of formal rules regulating the surveillance, and that it therefore was based on the following of routines. The bureaucratization process that characterized the period influenced the surveillance, which came to be performed as a bureaucratic machine, characterized by a tendency of expansion. This meant that the surveillance activities were constantly expanded and became more and more extensive. The expansion is connected to the surveillance phenomenon, which could be said to have an unlimited scope. Furthermore, it is suggested that this specific historic legacy has affected the development of Swedish security police activity during the second half of the 20th century.
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Os ferroviários na cartografia de Fortaleza: Rebeldes pelos caminhos de ferroAlmeida, Nilton Melo January 2009 (has links)
ALMEIDA, Nilton Melo. Os ferroviários na cartografia de Fortaleza: rebeldes pelos caminhos de ferro. 2009. 307 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em História) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História Social, Fortaleza-CE, 2009. / Submitted by Raul Oliveira (raulcmo@hotmail.com) on 2012-06-28T14:17:38Z
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Previous issue date: 2009 / O eixo essencial deste estudo traduz a presença dos ferroviários na cartografia de Fortaleza, expressa em diferentes temporalidades e nas diversas formas de sociabilidade construídas por esses sujeitos na história do movimento operário cearense. A pesquisa evidencia a ação desses trabalhadores no cotidiano da cidade e analisa o processo de formação das entidades organizativas da categoria, momentos nos quais enfrentam conflitos com a empresa e governo e sedimentam um ponto de coesão da "família ferroviária". Sua experiência nas lutas sociais da classe trabalhadora ganha outra dimensão após o golpe de 1964, quando passam a sofrer perseguições, prisões, torturas e morte nos cárceres da ditadura militar.
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Construindo redes sociais, projetos de identidade e espaços políticos : a imprensa operária no Amazonas (1890-1928)Teles, Luciano Everton Costa January 2018 (has links)
Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política. / This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.
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Construindo redes sociais, projetos de identidade e espaços políticos : a imprensa operária no Amazonas (1890-1928)Teles, Luciano Everton Costa January 2018 (has links)
Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política. / This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.
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