Orientador: Salvador Antonio Mireles Sandoval / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T14:43:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Granzotto_TaniaMaria_D.pdf: 3345125 bytes, checksum: 2f126a84b10f71f0ae27c1952e30dc63 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta tese analisa os movimentos sindicais nas Universidades Estaduais Paulistas ocorridos desde o final dos anos 1970 até 2008. O objetivo da pesquisa, além do resgate histórico das paralisações e greves ocorridas, foi também o de analisar o atual processo de desmobilização das categorias de docentes e de funcionários nestas universidades. Para tanto, buscamos conhecer e compreender o sindicalismo praticado pelas Entidades Sindicais ao longo dos anos. As transformações no mundo do trabalho oriundas do neoliberalismo, o qual levou à conseqüente Reforma do Estado nos anos 1990, promoveram a implementação de ações neoliberais nas universidades públicas e no ensino superior, bem como a mudança do perfil das categorias. Esses e outros fatores vêm dificultando profundamente a mobilização coletiva, tanto da categoria dos docentes, quanto da categoria dos funcionários. / Abstract: This research analyzes the strikes of the public universities of the state of São Paulo that occurred between the decade of 1970 until 2008. The objective of this study, besides the historical account of strikes and work stoppages, was also to understand how the actual process of demobilization of the categories of employees and professors started at these universities. To this, and we aimed at a deeper knowledge and understanding of the working-class union movements over the years. The transformations in the work place derived from economic neoliberalism, which took Brazil to the 1990's the Reform State , lead the implementation of neoliberal changes in the public colleges. These factors have been hampering at the collective mobilization, as much as for the professors' category, as for the employees' category. / Doutorado / Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura / Doutor em Educação

A dissertação analisa o papel do Conselho Nacional do Trabalho e sua relação com o movimento operário tendo em vista os atores que atuaram em prol da legislação trabalhista antes do período de 1930, em que Getúlio Vargas assume o governo aplicando diversas medidas que iriam resultar na Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho (CLT) em 1943. Já nos anos 1910, houve intenso debate na Câmara e no Senado, mediante a Comissão de Legislação Social (CLS), em que expoentes como Maurício de Lacerda tiveram papel significativo no avanço das discussões referentes às melhorias de vida para o conjunto dos trabalhadores. O foco da dissertação está nos trabalhadores urbanos das duas grandes cidades São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro que despontam, ainda nas décadas de 1910 e 1920, como importantes vetores políticos nacionais. A análise da imprensa da época, através do levantamento das fontes da época, nos permite observar que o Conselho Nacional do Trabalho foi um órgão que, em sua natureza, esteve envolvido com os atores da época, sejam eles os trabalhadores ou a classe patronal. / The dissertation analyzes the role of the National Labor Council and its relation with the labor movement in view of the actors who worked for the labor legislation before the 1930 period, when Getúlio Vargas assumed the government in Brazil, applying several measures that would Result in the Consolidation of Labor Laws (CLT) in 1943. At the 1910s, however, there was an intense debate in the House and Senate through the Social Legislation Commission (CLS), in which exponents such as Maurício de Lacerda played a significant role in advancing the discussions on improving the lives of all workers . The focus of the dissertation is on the urban workers of the two major cities - São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro - that emerged during the 1910s and 1920s, during which the research is concerned - as important political vectors at the national scenario. The analysis of the press of the time, through the survey of the sources of the time, allows us to observe that the National Labor Council was an organ that, in its nature, was involved with the actors of the time, be they workers or the employers\' class.

Orientadores: Fernando Antonio Lourenço, Omar Ribeiro Thom / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T21:10:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jorge_OtavioCalegari_M.pdf: 31947336 bytes, checksum: ffd3ef2aac1c6bc64060cb2227cdfd24 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender, tendo como referência inicial, mas não exclusiva, a produção intelectual haitiana e dominicana, bem como uma experiência de campo de 3 meses, as relações estabelecidas entre trabalhadores e trabalhadoras da zona franca industrial CODEVI, localizada na cidade de Ouanaminthe, fronteira entre Haiti e República Dominicana, com o mundo do trabalho, assim como outras esferas de sua vida cotidiana. As relações entre haitianos e dominicanos expressas numa cidade de fronteira e principalmente no interior da zona franca industrial CODEVI, de forte presença de capital dominicano, constituirão o eixo condutor do trabalho / Abstract: The present paper parting as initial reference, not exclusively though, from Haitian and Dominican intellectual production, as well as three months of field experiences, aims to understand relations established among workers on industrial free zone of CODEVI, located at the city of Ouanaminthe, bordering Haiti and Dominican Republic, with the reality of labor as well as other aspects of daily life. Relations among Dominicans and Haitians expressed in abordering city and mainly within the industrial free zone of CODEVI, one with strong presence of Dominican funds, constitute the axes of the present paper / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestre em Sociologia

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study is intended to illustrate how the reformist and revolutionary directions in the labor movement are manifested and visualized in the empirical material with regard to angry culture, thus contributing to an understanding of the informative importance of the image. It is clear that the investigated material in the form of social democratic and communist 1 May posters from the period 1922-1948 reflects its time (the interwar period to the post-war era) with regard to angry culture.  It is not the aesthetic aspect that is central, but the historical and political perspective in terms of information transmission. This study focuses on how to understand a historical period through an image material. The study aims to answer the question of what kind of information is communicated built on an analysis based on a combination of semiotics and hegemony analysis of the empirical material. Using the semiotic concepts denotation and connotation, the posters are analyzed in detail in the image analysis in combination with Stuart Hall's three hypothetical positions (codes), Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony concept, primarily in the form of “war of position” and “historic blocs”, is used to understand the historical period investigated. This method triangulation increases the credibility of the results. As far as the study and its results are concerned, it can be noted that the social democratic 1 May posters before 1936 (Social Democrats’ power access) with regard to “sublimed wrath” mainly represent consensus across class boundaries. The communist 1 May posters from that period, however, primarily represent “class war” and stand for “open anger”. After the Social Democrats’ access to power, it is clear that they constitute a historic bloc and that the communists are forced to adopt a more defensive approach, pronounced in drained paroles with a vague content. The conclusion with regard to the visual transmission of political and historical information and messages regarding social democratic and communistic 1 May posters from 1922-1948, based on socialist angry cultures is that the period between the wars was characterized by class struggle versus consensus, World War ll reduced everything to “hold together” and post-war time represents the starting point for the welfare state, as a successful consequence of the social democratic “dignity project”.

Notre doctorat est une recherche sur l’histoire du syndicalisme enseignant au Québec durant la première moitié des années 1990. Plus précisément, du Congrès de la Centrale des enseignants du Québec (CEQ) de juin 1990 à la convocation par le ministre de l’Éducation du gouvernement Parizeau des États généraux sur l’éducation en mars 1995. Notre recherche s’efforce de poser des jalons pour une première histoire critique du syndicalisme des enseignants à construire dans son rapport à l’histoire de l’éducation selon un constat initial que la première est sous-évaluée, voire largement invisible dans divers champs des sciences humaines et sociales (Relations industrielles, sociologie et histoire). La CEQ est la centrale syndicale des fédérations et des syndicats locaux représentant des enseignantes et des enseignants du Québec (des secteurs primaire, secondaire, collégial et même universitaire) et des professionnels de l’enseignement (animateurs de pastorale à l’époque). L’organe décisionnel de la CEQ est le Congrès national qui se réunit tous les deux ans ; l’application des décisions du Congrès se fait à la fois par le Bureau national (Conseil exécutif à partir de juin 1992) et le Conseil général des délégués de toutes les fédérations et de tous les syndicats locaux affiliés à la Centrale. Cette agora syndicale, qui se réunit six fois par année, est le cœur de la vie démocratique, tumultueuse, de la Centrale syndicale et étudie tous les rapports, les documents, les analyses, etc., qui lui sont soumis par le Bureau national / Conseil exécutif, l’unité de recherche de la CEQ ou divers comités. Dans un premier temps, notre thèse aborde le fait que le syndicalisme enseignant québécois est un objet historique inachevé et inabouti. Notre démarche tente de répondre à ce lien problématique entre historiographie et histoire. Puis, elle propose de nouveaux jalons pour une étude critique de cette histoire, notamment sur l’échec de la première tentative d’arrimage syndical de l’éducation à la souveraineté du Québec de 1977 à 1984. Mais alors, comment une centrale syndicale a-t-elle pu évoluer d’une opposition d’inspiration marxiste à toute tentative de réforme imposée de l’éducation et à un projet de souveraineté considéré comme conservateur et « capitaliste » portée par le PQ en 1977-1985 à iii une proposition d’une réforme globale, néolibérale, de l’éducation et un soutien à une souveraineté « sociale-démocrate » portée par le même parti politique en 1994-1995 ? Pour expliquer et comprendre ce paradoxe historique, nous allons étudier les nouvelles orientations stratégiques de la CEQ à partir du Congrès de juin 1990. Puis, dans un second temps, à partir d’archives syndicales – les procès-verbaux des réunions des délégués syndicaux au Conseil général de la CEQ –, notre étude historique porte sur le second arrimage de l’éducation fait par la Centrale à la conquête de la souveraineté du Québec, et particulièrement le rôle que joua le Conseil général des délégués syndicaux quant à la définition de quatre positions : 1) la question de la déconfessionnalisation, puis de la laïcité du système éducatif québécois ; 2) l’élaboration de la politique d’éducation interculturelle ; 3) les enjeux politiques et stratégiques autour de la définition de la souveraineté du Québec ; 4) le tournant participatif et la proposition d’une réforme globale de l’éducation au Québec. Enfin, notre recherche historique nous amène à décrire les mémoires syndicales enseignantes qui font de la CEQ une centrale syndicale si particulière dans l’histoire du mouvement ouvrier québécois. / Our thesis is a research on the history of teacher unionism in Quebec during the first half of the 1990s. More specifically, from the Congress of the Central Teachers of Quebec (CEQ) in June 1990 to the convocation by the Minister of Education of the Parizeau government of the Estates General on education in March 1995. Our research endeavors a milestone for a first critical history of teacher unionism to be constructed in its relationship to the history of education according to an initial observation that it is undervalued, even largely invisible in various fields of the humanities and social sciences (industrial relations, sociology and history). The CEQ is the central union of local federations and unions representing teachers in Quebec (primary, secondary and college and even university) and teaching professionals (pastoral animators at the time). The decision-making body of the CEQ is the National Congress which meets every two years; the application of the decisions of the Congress is done both by the National Office (Executive Council from June 1992) and the General Council of delegates of all the federations and all the local unions affiliated to the Centrale. This union agora, which meets six times a year, is the heart of the democratic, tumultuous life of the CEQ and studies all the reports, documents, analyzes, etc., which are submitted to it by the National Office / Executive Council, CEQ research unit or various committees. First, our thesis tackles the fact that Quebec teacher unionism is an unfinished and unfinished historical object. Our approach attempts to respond to this problematic link between historiography and history. Then, she proposed new milestones for a critical study of this history, in particular the failure of the first attempt to tie education to the sovereignty of Quebec from 1977 to 1984. But then, how was a Teacher Union able to evolve from an opposition of Marxist inspiration to any attempt at imposed reform of education and to a project of sovereignty considered as conservative and "capitalist" carried by the PQ in 1977-1985 to a proposal for a v comprehensive, neoliberal reform of education and support for a “social democratic” sovereignty carried by the same political party in 1994-1995? To explain and understand this historical paradox, we will study the new strategic orientations of the CEQ from the Congress of June 1990. Then, in a second step, from union archives - the minutes of the meetings of union delegates to the General Council of the CEQ -, our historical study relates to the second, the linkage of education made by the Centrale to the conquest of Quebec sovereignty, and in particular the role played by the General Council of union representatives in defining four positions: 1) the issue of deconfessionalization, then the secularity of the Quebec education system; 2) the development of intercultural education policy; 3) the political and strategic issues around the definition of Quebec sovereignty; 4) the participatory turning point and the proposal for a comprehensive education reform in Quebec. Finally, our historical research leads us to describe the teaching union memories that make the CEQ a special union organization in the history of the Quebec labor movement.

The debate between the Power Resource Approach and the New Politics thesis has been ongoing for decades. The PRA claims that the labor movement continues to be the most prominent defender of the welfare state. The NP-thesis, on the other hand, claim that the welfare state in itself has created new interest groups, clients of specific welfare state programs, that have largely taken over as the most prominent welfare state upholder. In an attempt to empirically evaluate the usefulness of these two theories, quantitative data on protests against cuts in the sickness benefit program in Sweden during the years of 2006-2019 have been collected through investigating newspaper ma- terial. The results show that the protest engagement among client groups is greater than the engagement among the labor movement when looking at protests directed specifi- cally against cuts in the sickness benefit program. This result lends credibility to the NP- thesis while it questions the PRA. When including protest events directed against cuts in the sickness benefit program among other welfare retrenchment related grievances, the results show that the labor movement continues to be a prominent defender of the welfare state. Additionally, the PRA/NP literature is criticized for failing to acknowledge the possibility of protest coalitions between client groups and the labor movement or- ganizations. The results show that coalitions of protest exist, but more research is needed to conclude how coalition building relates to the theoretical debate regarding the welfare state upholders.

The diploma thesis Labor Movement as a Means of Struggle for Equality of African Americans in Minnesota: Activism of Nellie Stone Johnson analyzes the role of the Labor Movement in a struggle for equality of African Americans in a state that belongs on the periphery of academic research of African American population of the United States of America. In the first two chapters, the study uses the probe method, which analyzes the manifestations of the Labor Movement and the Civil Rights Movement of the African Americans in Minnesota within a historical context. In case of both movements, key influences and actors are primarily identified. The second chapter then analyzes in more detail the impact of racism and discrimination on the Labor Movement's development, and vice versa, the struggle of the Labor Movement to overcome racial segregation. In the third chapter, the case study relies on the biographical method and the oral history method. Using these methods, this chapter constructs a specific story of activist Nellie Stone Johnson, whose life demonstrates the importance of combining quality education with economic self-sufficiency for the success of the African American struggle for racial equality in Minnesota. Nellie Stone Johnson came from a farming background that was traditional for Minnesota...

Although conscious consumers flock to sustainability-branded restaurants and grocery stores to "vote with their forks" for environmental sustainability and vibrant local economies, workers in these industries face the same poverty wages, discrimination, and exploitative labor practices that plague the food service and retail industries at large. Despite rapid growth and labor degradation, low-wage workers in these industries have largely been left behind by the mainstream labor movement and the alternative food movement. Whereas in the past, progressive social movements worked to alter power relations between labor and capital through collective action, today's mainstream labor movement focuses on servicing its dwindling membership and winning minimum wage increases through local ballot box measures and legislation. For its part, the alternative food movement focuses narrowly on achieving environmental sustainability through market-based mechanisms and consumption politics that do not adequately attend to the struggles of food chain workers. Through research conducted in partnership with the Burgerville Workers Union (BVWU) and the Industrial Workers of the World, I investigate three empirical research questions: 1) How do sustainability-branded institutions deploy values-based discourse and how does this relate to labor practices?, 2) How do worker-organizers understand and expose the contradictions of sustainability branding?, and 3) How do worker-organizers engage with social reproduction as a terrain of political struggle, and to what ends? I attend to these questions through activist scholarship aimed at informing my broad theoretical question: How might social reproduction "as discourse and practice" be marshaled to generate more inclusive organizing strategies, forge more just conceptions of sustainability, and build worker power? Drawing on over two years of ethnographic research, content analysis, and interviews with 48 worker-organizers involved in four labor organizing campaigns, I examine their efforts to build worker power through mutual aid programs, political education, and coalition politics. My analysis reveals that these strategies embody an inclusionary intersectional politics that prioritizes the needs of women, parents, and people of color, but that worker-organizers also face significant challenges. I demonstrate that organizing against neoliberal policies and practices requires moving beyond consumption politics and single-issue campaigns and deploying what I term (re)production politics which are fundamentally about how work is organized and how we care for society and the planet. Politicizing the labor, locations, and practices of social reproduction as landscapes of struggle, I conclude, offers an opportunity to build a broad class consciousness across interconnected issues and envision more liberatory ways of organizing social reproduction based on solidarity, mutuality, and interdependence.

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