Na Alemanha, a Crítica da Razão Pura, em 1781, inaugura uma nova forma de se pensar a metafísica; na França, a queda da Bastilha, em 1789, expressa uma nova forma de se atuar na história. Muita esperança foi depositada nesses dois acontecimentos, mas pouco depois da virada para o século XIX, são diversas as vozes que afirmam que eles já teriam chegado ao um final. A filosofia hegeliana tenta conferir uma resposta a essas vozes. Para tanto, Hegel busca rearticular a relação entre filosofia e história a partir do conceito de carecimento da filosofia. Se, por certo, este conceito é retirado da própria filosofia kantiana, o significado que Hegel lhe confere é significativamente diferente, ligando, antes, a um problema no interior da formação cultural do que a uma faculdade do conhecimento humano. Retrabalhando dois temas centrais da filosofia crítica kantiana a relação da filosofia com o senso comum e a relação do ceticismo com a filosofia Hegel poderá mostrar como o conceito de carecimento de época tem de estar no cerne de toda a filosofia. Evitando, ao mesmo tempo, alçar seja a objetividade, em si mesma, seja a subjetividade, em si mesma, como artífices da unificação entre sujeito e objeto. Paralelamente, para se apreender o verdadeiro significado da Revolução Francesa seria necessário radicalizar o conceito de representação, evitando tanto o conformismo com o Estado máquina, em que a sociedade perde toda a sua liberdade, quanto a nostalgia pelo ideal da liberdade primitiva, em que poderia se viver em uma comunidade sem lei e sem Estado. Para Hegel, somente na medida em que não se compreendeu o verdadeiro significado de cada uma dessas revoluções, seria possível atribuir-lhes um final. / Kant inaugurates a new way of thinking about the metaphysics; the events in France from the fall of the Bastille inaugurate a new way of thinking about politics. Much hope was placed in these two events. However, at the time that Hegel began to publish his first philosophical writings, many voices were heard proclaiming that both would be finishing. This dissertation understands Hegel\'s philosophy as an attempt to answer those voices, showing that only when one may not understand the true meaning of each one, it is possible to assing an end to them. From the Hegelian perspective, to grasp the true significance of Kant\'s philosophy, it would be necessary to radicalize the concept of criticism (which try to avoid that philosophy relapses into common sense and into raving), compelling it to dissolve even sensible things, instead of returning to postulate things supersensible to ensure awareness. Avoiding at the same time, raise the objectivity in itself and the subjectivity in itself, as architects of unification between subject and object want to. In parallel, to grasp the true significance of the French Revolution would be necessary to radicalize the concept of representation, avoiding both conformity with the state machine, where the society loses all its freedom, and the nostalgia for the primitive ideal of freedom, which postulates that it is possible to live in a community without law and without state.

La carrière intellectuelle d'Ernest Seillière de Laborde (1866-1955) s'étendit de l'affaire Dreyfus (son premier essai remarqué, une étude consacrée à Ferdinand Lassalle récompensée du prix Marcellin-Guérin de l'Académie française, parut en 1897) à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale (il fit son entrée sous la Coupole en 1946). Parce qu'il considérait que tout bon représentant de l'élite avait pour mission de guider l'ensemble de la civilisation sur la voie du progrès, ce polytechnicien de formation dédia sa vie à l'élaboration d'une doctrine. Sa philosophie de l'Impérialisme, appuyée sur une vision organiciste de la société et une conception disciplinaire de la religion, imprégnée de darwinisme, de nietzschéisme et de gobinisme, et marquée par la mode des sciences psychologiques ainsi que par certains courants de la pensée allemande de son temps, n'avait pour autre but que de permettre à une bourgeoisie déclinante de répondre de manière adaptée à la montée en puissance et aux revendications sociales et politiques des masses. Le Romantisme, d'abord perçu comme un facteur de dégénérescence, fut progressivement envisagé par Seillière comme le pourvoyeur d'une formidable énergie qu'il importait de canaliser dans un sens impérialiste utilitaire. Opposant un Romantisme allemand énergique et virile à un Romantisme français féminin et anémiant, le germaniste en vint à faire la promotion d'un Socialisme rationnel que lui-même et certains de ses commentateurs crurent identifier dans les différents régimes totalitaires qui se développèrent au cours de l'Entre-deux-guerres. Celui qui se présentait comme un historien-psychologue se garda de jouer les premiers rôles dans les grands débats qui agitèrent le monde intellectuel français de son temps. La pensée de cet auteur prolifique ne fut pas pour autant ignorée de ses contemporains, et fit même quelques émules aux sensibilités et trajectoires diverses, mais dont les pensées demeuraient animées par une même obsession du déclin. / French thinker Ernest Seillière de Laborde (1866-1955) pursued a long career from the affaire Dreyfus (his first notable study dealing with Ferdinand Lassalle, rewarded by the prix Marcellin-Guérin of the Académie française, was published in 1897) to the end of the World War II (he entered the Académie française in 1946). The polytechnicien dedicated his entire life in developping a doctrine, claiming that an authentic member of the elite had to lead the whole civilization on the path to progress. His philosophy of Imperialism, based upon an organicist outlook of society and a constraining approach of religion, imbued with Darwinism, Nietzscheanism and Gobinism, and affected by a growing interest for psychological sciences and a number of contemporary german thinking movements, aimed to enable a decaying bourgeoisie to respond efficiently to the issu of the political rise and social demand of the masses. At first, Romanticism was seen by Seillière as a degeneration factor. But it was soon considered by the thinker as a provider of a great power that had to be controlled in an imperialistic utilitarian way. Drawing a comparison between a virile and dynamic Germanic Romanticism and a feminine and weakening French one, the Germanist promoted a rationalitic Socialism he and some of his commentators foresaw in the totalitarian regimes that emerged during the interwar period. He who described hisself as an historian-psychologist did not play the first part in the various intellectual debates of his time. However, the thought of this prolific writer was not ignored by his contemporaries, and raised interest within various thinkers obsessed with the idea of decline.

Trata-se de mostrar que Rousseau formula, ao longo de seus escritos, em especial no conjunto de seus Discursos, no Contrato Social e no Emílio, uma filosofia da história onde figura um movimento dialético e a ideia de um sentido último para o desenrolar dos eventos humanos. A sucessão de eventos que liga a natureza humana intocada pelos males sociais a seu destino - a qual Rousseau quer chamar de história - traria em seu bojo a possibilidade do progresso moral, consubstanciada na volta ao ordenamento natural. Assim como, frente ao espetáculo e as aparências de seu tempo, Rousseau retrocede ao homem natural, constrói a expectativa de que os tempos vindouros tragam a reconciliação do homem consigo mesmo e com a natureza, tendo o Estado, nos termos em que é proposto pelo Contrato Social, um papel fundamental para esse acontecimento. Por fim, pretende-se desenvolver a ideia de que, a partir de uma noção de história como marcha da natureza, que engendra os meios para emancipação humana, Rousseau aproxima-se do pensamento religioso, produzindo, a partir de sua filosofia da história, uma teodicéia. / This essay aims to show that Rousseau formulates, through his writings, specially in his Discourses, Social Contract and Emile, a Philosophy of History, depicting a dialectic movement and the idea of an ultimate goal or sense for the unraveling of humanity\'s events. The succession of all the events that binds an untouched by social iniquities human nature to its destiny - that Rousseau wants to name history - would bring in its bowels the possibility of moral progress, con-substantiated on the return of a natural order. As in which, facing the spectacle and appearances of his time, Rousseau leans back to this natural man; he also builds an expectation for a reconciliation for man with itself and with nature, playing the State, in the terms laid by the Social Contract, a fundamental role for this to happen. Finally, it is intended to develop the idea that, from a notion of history as a march of nature, engendering the means for human emancipation, Rousseau leans towards the religious thinking, producing in his philosophy of history, a theodicy.

Submitted by Liliane Ferreira (ljuvencia30@gmail.com) on 2018-09-17T11:25:00Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Antônio Henrique Paz do Amaral - 2018.pdf: 1077489 bytes, checksum: 0387588d425738ba53ea8d493aa80499 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Rejected by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com), reason: Olhe as palavras chaves on 2018-09-19T12:36:39Z (GMT) / Submitted by Liliane Ferreira (ljuvencia30@gmail.com) on 2018-09-19T13:13:56Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação - Antônio Henrique Paz do Amaral - 2018.pdf: 1077489 bytes, checksum: 0387588d425738ba53ea8d493aa80499 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-09-20T11:18:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação - Antônio Henrique Paz do Amaral - 2018.pdf: 1077489 bytes, checksum: 0387588d425738ba53ea8d493aa80499 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-20T11:18:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertação - Antônio Henrique Paz do Amaral - 2018.pdf: 1077489 bytes, checksum: 0387588d425738ba53ea8d493aa80499 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Martin Heidegger did not make a philosophy of history on the side of a philosophy of language, man or being. Nevertheless, the thematic of history was very relevant to his thought, which has always aspired to a unifying totality around the question of the meaning of being. What is the condition of possibility of history? What makes us historical beings? This question is the one that Heidegger calls in Being and Time, the question of the historicity of history. The starting point to think this question is found on the distinctive openness of Dasein to its proper temporality, articulated in three fundamental Ekstasis which unify themselves in the existential of care – in sequence of originality: advenient-future, essential-past and the instant-present. Assuming resolute in its Being-towards-death, the Dasein gives openness to the retrieval of past, as a repetition of utmost and most original possibilities buried by tradition. Another starting point is the questioning of history from the question of the meaning of nihilism and the death of God, which involve our epoch, through a attentive dialogue with Nietzsche’s work. So Heidegger understands our historicity since a essential remission to what that, in its late thinking phase, he calls “history of Being”. / Martin Heidegger não fez uma filosofia da história à parte de uma filosofia da linguagem, da homem, ou do ser. Não obstante, a temática da história foi de suma relevância a seu pensamento, que sempre aspirou uma totalidade unificante em torno da questão do sentido do Ser. Qual é a condição de possibilidade da história? O que faz de nós seres históricos? Esta pergunta é a que Heidegger chama, em Ser e Tempo, de a questão da historicidade da história. O ponto de partida para se pensar esta questão encontra-se na abertura distintiva do Dasein para a sua temporalidade própria, articulada em três ekstases fundamentais que se unificam no existencial do cuidado – em ordem de originariedade: o futuro-adveniente, o passado-essencial e o presente-instante. Pondo-se resoluto em seu ser-para-a-morte, o Dasein dá abertura para a retroveniência do passado, enquanto repetição das possibilidades derradeiras e mais originárias soterradas pela tradição. Outro ponto de partida, é o questionamento da história a partir da pergunta pelo sentido do niilismo e da morte de Deus, que envolvem nossa época, através de um diálogo atento com a obra de Nietzsche. Assim, Heidegger compreende a nossa historicidade desde uma remissão essencial àquilo que, em sua fase tardia de pensamento, ele nomeia de a “história do Ser”

Wolfgang Bock hat die Kantaufsätze des renommierten Transzendentalphilosophen Werner Flach in einem Band herausgegeben. Der Band versammelt sowohl bereits veröffentlichte als auch neu verfasste Aufsätze Werner Flachs. Die Aufsätze widmen sich der gesamten Breite der Philosophie Kants– und es ist schier unmöglich, alle Aufsätze des Autors in diesem Rahmen zu referieren, geschweige denn, Ihnen in einer Diskussion gerecht zu werden. Der Rezensent muss somit eine Auswahl treffen. Ich konzentriere meine Besprechung deshalb auf die zwei thematischen Hauptgruppen der Aufsätze, die mir besonders systematisch relevant zu sein scheinen. Es handelt sich dabei erstens um Flachs Aufsätze zur theoretischen Philosophie Kants und zweitens um die Aufsätze, die sich der Geschichtsphilosophie Kants widmen.

博士（社会学） / 108p / 一橋大学

The thesis examines the concept of history in the thinking of Walter Benjamin and Theodor W. Adorno. It systematically inquires into texts of the period between 1913 and 1932. Benjamin's thought is interpreted in its whole, with regards to his key concepts of messianic salvation, profane revolution, biblical fall, mythical positing of right, and actuality of the present. Adorno's contribution to the concept of history is examined on the basis of three early texts from the beginning of the thirties. The thesis follows first the evolution of the concept of history in the thought of Benjamin and then turns toward the relation between the explicated deliberations regarding the theme and the conception of Adorno. The major change which occurs during Adorno's accepting of Benjamin's terminology and thoughts lies in the fact that the concept of history is moved from the theological-eschatological context to the context of praxis. Key Words Philosophy of history, messianic salvation, revolution, myth, right, actuality, configuration.

The New England Puritans brought with them to America a middle way, a philosophy that balanced the extremes of religious, political, economic, and social life. Though first developed by Reformed theologians on the European Continent, the middle way made its way to England where it gained adherence among Puritan ministers who balanced pastoral and prophetic roles. The first generation of English emigrants to New England, having fully expected their zeal to flourish in the free air of America, quickly realized that theirs was not only a mission to reform society but to establish and maintain it. In such an environment, the middle way proved an essential philosophy for Massachusetts Bay's civil and ecclesiastical authorities who faced challenges from Antinomians in America and Arminians in England. This study first defines the middle way, demonstrating its particular relevance in America among emigrants who felt both the burden· of the past and the promise of the future. The first chapter offers the middle way as a philosophy of history to modern historians who, like the New England Puritans, find themselves balancing obligations to both objectivity and historicism. The second chapter explores the often contentious world of Puritan historiography through the lens of Niebuhrian irony. The third chapter approaches the first generation of New England Puritans on their own terms, drawing on their written records in order to understand the challenges, real and perceived, from both Antinomianism and Arminianism. The conclusion reflects on the middle way's legacy and continued endurance as the New England mind faced both continuity and change in later centuries.

This study traces the intellectual and political itinerary of the review La Relève, an influential cultural journal in 1930s and ‘40s Quebec, in order to explore broader trends within francophone Catholicism in the middle decades of the twentieth century. La Relève enjoyed a unique role as a propagator of French Catholic thought in Quebec due to its close ties with the prominent French Catholic philosopher Jacques Maritain. In the early ‘30s, members of the Relève group espoused a militant Catholicism with conservative-minded nationalist sympathies. The group’s encounter with Maritain in October 1934, however, moved La Relève towards a more communitarian Catholicism which was open to social and religious pluralism. During the later ‘30s, the Relèvistes would display a new interest in democratic forms of politics, reflecting the larger ‘democratic turn’ evident amongst many francophone Catholic intellectuals. In examining this shift, this study argues that the progressive Catholicism embraced by La Relève remained strongly rooted in longstanding Catholic social teachings and mentalities, thereby shedding light upon the political trajectory of the larger French Catholic Revival during this period. The emergence of a ‘Left’ Catholicism in France and Quebec was the result of a gradual and often contradictory process in which new attempts to engage with pluralism, democracy and human rights were heavily influenced by the traditionally anti-liberal and anti-individualistic perspectives of Catholic social and political thought. This study also examines the social and cultural environment of Catholic intellectual engagement in Quebec during this period, focusing upon the role played by friendship in defining the experiences of the Relève circle during the 1930s and ‘40s. Initially the product of a close-knit and often cliquish group of former schoolmates, La Relève provided a forum for masculine solidarity and shared intellectual and religious pursuits. The Relèvistes' conception of friendship expanded over the course of the decade, reflecting their exposure to the ideas of the French Catholic intelligentsia, for whom the idea of friendship signalled a wider community bound together by common religious, social and political goals. During the war years, the Relève group came to play a new role within the larger francophone Catholic intellectual community, founding a publishing company which printed numerous anti-fascist Catholic authors. In the postwar period, however, contact with the European intellectual milieu diminished, as the review closed in 1948 and the Relèvistes embraced new trends in Catholic thought which ultimately distanced them from Maritain. However, intellectual engagement with French Catholic thought would continue on in Quebec through the review Cité libre, which would play an important role in shaping politics and society in Quebec and Canada during the later twentieth century.

This investigation deals with the underlying motivation of Oswald Spengler in The Decline of the West. Sources include the published and translated works of Spengler: books, essays, and selected letters. Contingent areas of exploration, arranged in separate chapters, are the philosophy of history, using the works of Dilthey and Herder; philosophy, using the concepts of Husserl's Phenomenology, Bergson's Time and Free Will, and Goethe's Conversations with Eckermann; the contemporary human potential psychology of Abraham Mazlow and Rollo May, and the contemporary philosophy of Alan Watts and Ortega y Gasset. R. G. Collingwood as critic of Spengler is dealt with. The conclusion is drawn that Spengler did not attempt a system of history except as a vehicle for expressing a directive to live fully in the eternal now.