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Traditionally, John Stuart Mill has been described as a transitional thinker who fails to fully understand the values he espouses. Critics contend that he cannot simultaneously espouse both utility maximization and the protection of individual choice-making as a non-trumpable value. Like his moral philosophy, Mill’s political thought is also rejected for interspersing, seemingly at random, elements of utilitarianism with concerns about respecting individual choice-making. More recent attempts to bring Mill’s commitment to utilitarianism into line with his respect for individual choice-making are not wholly successful. In this thesis, I offer an interpretation of Mill’s moral philosophy which reconciles the tension between utility maximization and respect for individual choice-making as a non-trumpable value. In addition, I argue that my interpretation of Mill’s moral philosophy also allows us to interpret his political thought. / Master of Arts

This dissertation proposes a normative theory of political representation grounded in popular sovereignty and positive law, rather than in democracy and efficient labour allocation. The first three chapters assess the contributions to the idea of representation of three early modern thinkers. Hobbes proposes a formal model of authorised action at a distance, but, contrary to a long-standing consensus in political thought, not an actual theory of representation. Rousseau, a well-known opponent of representation, proposes ideas about government, sovereignty, and positive law, which, despite his contrary intentions, form a foundation for a normative theory of representation. Sieyes refines concepts from both to create a more mature practical statement on representation which he attempts to implement in three revolutionary constitutions in France in the 1790's. The next three chapters make an argument connecting representation to law creation. First the concept of a decision is defined, and then abstracted through various levels of political authority and action. Law creation is distinguished from all other classes of authorised political decision making by four unique properties which tie in with problems initially raised by the early modern philosophers regarding popular sovereignty. Various numbers of authorised actors are considered as constituting political bodies credentialed to carry out the relevant decisions identified as meeting the minimal conditions of law, and ultimately only assembly — a body numbering in the hundreds, with a reserved place for making recognised decisions, and a formal connection to expressed popular preferences — meets the conceptual requirements of the class of decisions mooted. The thesis ends with an argument connecting law to representation as the solution to the problem of plurality.

Na realidade hodierna, faz-se necessária a análise dos grupos de interesse e, especificamente, de suas ações no âmbito político, por meio de pressão, que refletem o papel da sociedade civil organizada, através de microcosmos de atuação, na realização das aspirações populares, em seus diversos setores da vida, tratando-se de instrumentos de manifestação, canalização e consecução de aspirações coletivas. Nas sociedades complexas e heterogêneas, com a emergência de múltiplos anseios advindos da civilização industrial, por vezes conflitantes, denota-se a insuficiência do Estado em atender igualitariamente a todas as demandas, razão pela qual o cidadão não pode se limitar à figura do eleitor, com atuação periódica pelo voto, devendo assumir postura atuante no núcleo governamental. Os grupos de pressão compõem, assim, uma via da intitulada democracia participativa, com nítido papel contramajoritário, refletindo forças sociais que não encontraram respaldo na estrutura representativa clássica e contribuindo para a otimização do processo decisório institucional, ao aproximar o agente público das realidades dos titulares do poder e conferir legitimidade às medidas em cuja elaboração seus destinatários puderam intervir. A ação coletiva encontra-se alicerçada em preceitos constitucionais, como o direito de petição e as liberdades de reunião e de associação, efetivando-se um mecanismo complementar de comunicação entre representante e representado, de modo a alcançar padrões satisfatórios de governança mediante controle vertical, com responsabilidade e eficiência; atentando-se, para tanto, que as pressões grupais não podem ser exercidas através de meios ilícitos de persuasão nem devem ter como objeto pleitos manifestamente ilegais. A necessidade de se coibir as patologias da atividade denominada de lobby, imputando medidas corretivas aos seus desvios e estabelecendo os limites da sua legalidade, eis que se trata de fato relevante do qual o Direito não pode se furtar de reconhecer e normatizar, resulta no foco principal do estudo desenvolvido, pelo qual se pretendeu demarcar as questões primordiais a serem abordadas por ocasião da aprovação de uma lei de regulamentação, que, a despeito dos modelos no Direito Estrangeiro, deve encontrar solução para as particularidades pátrias. / In modern-day, it is necessary to examine interest groups and, specifically, their actions within the political sphere, through the exertion of pressure mechanisms, which reflect the role of organized civil society, across the various microcosms of action, in securing the popular aspirations of the broader population in all sectors of life by means of instruments designed to express, channel, and achieve those collective aspirations. In complex and heterogeneous societies, the States inability, due to the emergence of the multiple, often conflicting, demands of industrial civilization, to meet all of these demands on equal terms and bases is manifest, as a consequence of which citizens cannot limit themselves to the role of mere voters, participating in periodic elections, but must assume an active role at the center of government. In this light, pressure groups constitute a legitimate avenue of participatory democracy, with a distinct counter-majority role, intended to represent social forces without backing from the traditional representative structures and contribute toward the optimization of institutional decision-making by drawing public officials closer to the realities of societys true powerbrokers and conferring legitimacy on those measures which can be developed with the participation of the intended target audience. Collective action is founded on constitutional principles, such as the right to petition and the freedom of assembly and association, thus providing a complementary channel of communication between representatives and constituents, as a means to ensure satisfactory standards of governance through vertical control, accomplished in a responsible and effective manner; while underscoring, in turn, that pressure mechanisms cannot be exercised through unlawful means of persuasion or for the purpose of securing manifestly illegal claims. The need to prohibit the pathologies of lobbying activities through the imposition of corrective measures for misconduct and the establishment of legal limits is the primary focus of this study, which seeks to frame the key question to be addressed upon passage of a law regulating the related activities, one which, notwithstanding the existing models set out Foreign Laws, must offer solutions suited to the countrys national specificities.

La manifestation est un sujet d’actualité et un phénomène en voie de devenir mondial. En ce domaine la Thaïlande fait figure de pays pionnier. En effet les manifestations de rue y sont fréquentes et souvent violentes. La présente étude a d’abord pour objet de s’interroger sur les raisons du recours massif à cette liberté par le peuple et sa perception par le Droit. Dans ce pays la manifestation répond à une tradition constante d’expression des idées et des opinions, grâce à une contestation politique en groupe et sur la voie publique. Elle est consacrée en tant que liberté constitutionnelle dans les vingt Constitutions, que ce soit de manière explicite ou implicite mais sans être pour autant distinguée de la liberté de réunion. Il est dès lors utile d’analyser cette conception de la liberté de manifestation. Cependant il importe également de comprendre pourquoi le nombre de manifestations augmente considérablement en Thaïlande. Selon l’auteur, le principal élément de réponse est à rechercher dans le système institutionnel et politique thaïlandais. Celui-ci permet rarement un débat pluraliste au sein du Parlement. L’instabilité constitutionnelle, les successions de putschs militaires, accentuent la crise de la démocratie représentative. La solution à ce danger doit-elle être trouvée non plus dans le droit mais dans un devoir de manifester ? Sans doute, car la Thaïlande donne l’exemple de l’urgence d’instituer des mécanismes associant davantage le citoyen à la décision publique, conduisant à l’instauration d’une démocratie participative et continue. Lorsque le bon fonctionnement de ces mécanismes est mis à mal, le recours à la liberté de manifestation devient une nécessité / The manifestation is an important issue as it has become a world phenomenon. Concerning this subject, Thailand is considered a pioneer country. The street manifestations occur frequently and often in a violent manner. This study aimed to raise question as to why people exercise this freedom and what are the perceptions of law toward these situations. In this country manifestation responds to a constant tradition of expression of ideas and opinions, as a result of a political group contestation on the street. Principally manifestation is recognized as a constitutional freedom in twenty Constitutions, whether explicitly or implicitly without being distinguished from freedom of assembly. It is therefore necessary to analyze such conception of freedom of manifestation. In addition to the above, it is important to understand the reasons as to why the number of manifestations has been increasing considerably in Thailand. According to the author, the principal element of the reason derives from conducting a research in the institutional and political system. The system hardly allows a pluralistic debate in Parliament. The constitutional instability, the successions of military putsches, have emphasized the crisis of representative democracy. Is it possible that the solution of this danger should no longer be founded in a right but in a duty to manifest? Since Thailand is an example underlining the urgency of introducing the mechanisms which involve citizens in making public decision, these mechanisms lead to the establishment of participatory and continuous democracy. When these mechanisms fail to function accordingly, an exercise of freedom of manifestation becomes a necessity

Na realidade hodierna, faz-se necessária a análise dos grupos de interesse e, especificamente, de suas ações no âmbito político, por meio de pressão, que refletem o papel da sociedade civil organizada, através de microcosmos de atuação, na realização das aspirações populares, em seus diversos setores da vida, tratando-se de instrumentos de manifestação, canalização e consecução de aspirações coletivas. Nas sociedades complexas e heterogêneas, com a emergência de múltiplos anseios advindos da civilização industrial, por vezes conflitantes, denota-se a insuficiência do Estado em atender igualitariamente a todas as demandas, razão pela qual o cidadão não pode se limitar à figura do eleitor, com atuação periódica pelo voto, devendo assumir postura atuante no núcleo governamental. Os grupos de pressão compõem, assim, uma via da intitulada democracia participativa, com nítido papel contramajoritário, refletindo forças sociais que não encontraram respaldo na estrutura representativa clássica e contribuindo para a otimização do processo decisório institucional, ao aproximar o agente público das realidades dos titulares do poder e conferir legitimidade às medidas em cuja elaboração seus destinatários puderam intervir. A ação coletiva encontra-se alicerçada em preceitos constitucionais, como o direito de petição e as liberdades de reunião e de associação, efetivando-se um mecanismo complementar de comunicação entre representante e representado, de modo a alcançar padrões satisfatórios de governança mediante controle vertical, com responsabilidade e eficiência; atentando-se, para tanto, que as pressões grupais não podem ser exercidas através de meios ilícitos de persuasão nem devem ter como objeto pleitos manifestamente ilegais. A necessidade de se coibir as patologias da atividade denominada de lobby, imputando medidas corretivas aos seus desvios e estabelecendo os limites da sua legalidade, eis que se trata de fato relevante do qual o Direito não pode se furtar de reconhecer e normatizar, resulta no foco principal do estudo desenvolvido, pelo qual se pretendeu demarcar as questões primordiais a serem abordadas por ocasião da aprovação de uma lei de regulamentação, que, a despeito dos modelos no Direito Estrangeiro, deve encontrar solução para as particularidades pátrias. / In modern-day, it is necessary to examine interest groups and, specifically, their actions within the political sphere, through the exertion of pressure mechanisms, which reflect the role of organized civil society, across the various microcosms of action, in securing the popular aspirations of the broader population in all sectors of life by means of instruments designed to express, channel, and achieve those collective aspirations. In complex and heterogeneous societies, the States inability, due to the emergence of the multiple, often conflicting, demands of industrial civilization, to meet all of these demands on equal terms and bases is manifest, as a consequence of which citizens cannot limit themselves to the role of mere voters, participating in periodic elections, but must assume an active role at the center of government. In this light, pressure groups constitute a legitimate avenue of participatory democracy, with a distinct counter-majority role, intended to represent social forces without backing from the traditional representative structures and contribute toward the optimization of institutional decision-making by drawing public officials closer to the realities of societys true powerbrokers and conferring legitimacy on those measures which can be developed with the participation of the intended target audience. Collective action is founded on constitutional principles, such as the right to petition and the freedom of assembly and association, thus providing a complementary channel of communication between representatives and constituents, as a means to ensure satisfactory standards of governance through vertical control, accomplished in a responsible and effective manner; while underscoring, in turn, that pressure mechanisms cannot be exercised through unlawful means of persuasion or for the purpose of securing manifestly illegal claims. The need to prohibit the pathologies of lobbying activities through the imposition of corrective measures for misconduct and the establishment of legal limits is the primary focus of this study, which seeks to frame the key question to be addressed upon passage of a law regulating the related activities, one which, notwithstanding the existing models set out Foreign Laws, must offer solutions suited to the countrys national specificities.

<p>The primary purpose of this thesis is to study how political agents construct and give meaning to the concepts of democracy, representative democracy and referendums. The starting point of the thesis is the pressing issue whether or not Sweden should hold a referendum on the new EU constitution. To analyze this question my choice of method is critical discourse analysis and the topical theories revolve around democracy and responsibility.</p><p>My study shows that there are three different discourses in this debate: “the democratic process”, “the representative democracy” and “the concept of democracy”. However, the meaning of the concepts in these discourses varies depending on which side the political agents are on. It is obvious that the concepts are not fixated and that they are used as catchphrases to define ideological motives. In addition, the concepts are used differently to enhance certain values in a democracy.</p><p>The result of this study shows the paradox and conflicting values that are associated with the concepts. This means that the notion of democracy changes depending on what the agents want to perceive. The political agents who do not support a referendum often refer to what a representative democracy symbolizes. Agents who support a referendum consider the democratic process as an incentive for a democratic ideal. In this context, the discourse of democracy does not arise from a primary level but rather a secondary. This implies that the criteria for a liberal democracy are fulfilled and the debate revolves around abstract values.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>In the beginning of 2007 the Swedish municipality Örebro decided to have a democratic</p><p>experiment, which ought to go under the name, “Dialouge for the citizens”. The</p><p>representative elected politicians in Örebro tried to find ways to involve the people in the</p><p>process of ruling. Why they choose to try this experiment on this very delicate matter, the</p><p>closure of several schools in the municipal, is one of the questions this essay is trying to</p><p>answer.</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to find out whether the process was an attempt for the politicians</p><p>of the representative democracy to implement deliberative democracy in the structure of the</p><p>local governance.</p><p>The result of this study is that the politicians didn’t manage to reach to the citizens the way</p><p>they formerly had planned.</p>

In the mid-20th century the assignment of nurturing democratic citizens in Swedish schools, was first proposed and implemented. Since then, the democratic assignment has been put aside by the schools´ second assignment: communicating knowledge. The aim of this essay is to once again bring light on this forgotten assignment. I have gathered the material for this essay by interviewing five teachers of upper secondary school. By the use of three ideal types of democratic theory I then analyze the material to determine the teachers´ views on school democracy and their ways of using it in their teaching. The ideal types are participatory democracy, discursive democracy and representative democracy. The results show that the interviewed teachers share very similar views on school democracy, close to the ideal type participatory democracy. In their use of school democracy in teaching traces of both participatory and discursive democracy, can be found.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliana Caramigo Gennarini.pdf: 1267598 bytes, checksum: 2384f966684e93980c5501ff67fcd33a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-30 / The democracy concept retraces to the existence of a State in the form desired and assented for the people: government where the people exerts their sovereignty. The discussion concerning democracy goes beyond its conceptualization, having stronger and increasing way of incidence into its values and in the modifications of the democratic model, in compliance with the transformations of the Society and, consequently, of the State itself. The politics institutions are shaken by the complete change of its essential functions and by the discredit of the citizen-voter in the representation of its interests. / O conceito de democracia remonta à existência de um Estado da forma desejada e consentida pelo povo: governo em que o povo exerce a soberania. A discussão acerca da democracia vai além de sua conceituação, tem incidência de maneira mais forte e crescente nos valores e nas modificações do modelo democrático, em conformidade com as transformações da sociedade e, conseqüentemente, do Estado. As instituições políticas encontram-se abaladas pela descaracterização de suas funções essenciais e pelo descrédito do cidadão-eleitor na representação de seus interesses.