Democratic representation is crucial in a representative democracy. To elect representatives there are several different electoral systems. In the United Kingdom a majority system, the First past the post system, is used. This study aims to investigate how the First past the post system affects the democratic representation in the British parliament. Specifically, its focus is on how the democratic representation of the British political parties is affected.  This research is carried out by conducting a case study with the British parliament and the First past the post system as the studied case. The study is done by using textual analysis as the chosen method, where various texts are used as material to be able to reach a result.  The results showed several aspects of the First past the post system that affected the democratic representation regarding political parties. It suggested that theories such as Duverger’s law are applicable to the party representation in the British parliament, indicating that the First past the post system favours a two-party system where the representation of the other parties is flawed resulting in negatively skewed democratic representation.

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O presente estudo propõe-se a investigar o potencial de o projeto de democracia cosmopolita, tal como formulado por David Held, Anthony McGrew e Daniele Archibugi, suprir o déficit democrático das instituições representativas brasileiras decorrente dos fenômenos da globalização e do policentrismo do poder, no contexto da atual crise econômica mundial. Trata-se, pois, de se contrapor o modelo cosmopolita, de caráter transterritorial, ao modelo representativo, de base territorial. A pesquisa segue um plano analítico político-jurídico, ou seja, sua sede epistemológica é a Teoria Geral do Estado. / This study wants to investigate the potential of the project of cosmopolitan democracy, how it was formulated by David Held, Anthony McGrew and Daniele Archibugi, to supply de democratic deficit of the Brazilians institutional organizations, occurred because the phenomenon of globalization and polycentrism of power, in the context of now global economic crisis. Therefore, we will compare the cosmopolitan model, of transterritorial character, and the representative model, based on the territory. This research follows a politic-juridical plan, so, its epistemological place is the General Theory of State.

Submitted by Mariana Dornelles Vargas (marianadv) on 2015-04-09T14:45:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 inefetividade_controle.pdf: 8134530 bytes, checksum: be5e30487a14247cd67cf32d19834460 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-09T14:45:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 inefetividade_controle.pdf: 8134530 bytes, checksum: be5e30487a14247cd67cf32d19834460 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-21 / Nenhuma / Diante de uma conjuntura na qual os controles clássicos da Administração Pública apresentam-se insuficientes para o enfrentamento dos cotidianos episódios de má gestão e corrupção envolvendo a máquina estatal, aliada à crise da democracia representativa, há premência de maior capacidade de gestão, de controle e de decisão política na base da sociedade. Neste sentido por meio do estudo realizado desvela-se o entendimento de que para a consolidação do projeto democrático no Brasil, constitui-se condição de possibilidade a admissão da Democracia Participativa em uma relação de complementaridade com os instrumentos da representação. O presente trabalho analisa a importância da participação popular na gestão e no controle dos recursos públicos, enfatizando-se suas virtudes, bem como os limites existentes. São pesquisados os aspectos históricos decorrentes da colonização ibérica, cujas principais consequências políticas dizem respeito à incorporação dos vícios do patrimonialismo, clientelismo e autoritarismo no cenário brasileiro, bem como o atual anacronismo dos instrumentos da democracia representativa, permeado pela interferência do poder econômico, o poder da mídia sobre os eleitores, a fragilidade dos partidos políticos, e a falta de sincronia entre a expectativa dos representados e a atuação dos representantes. Por isso, constata-se que o controle social ainda é frágil. Assim, buscando uma articulação entre a teoria e a prática, o presente trabalho de dissertação ponderou sobre a (in)efetividade do controle democrático numa experiência contemporânea de democracia participativa. A partir de uma abordagem na temática da saúde sobre os limites e potencialidades na atuação do Conselho Estadual de Saúde do Rio Grande do Sul estuda-se na prática o controle social, efetuando-se uma análise sobre os elementos concretos que podem contribuir para qualificação do projeto democrático brasileiro, bem como para alçar nosso país a outro patamar de desenvolvimento político e social, construindo uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária. / In the face of a situation in which the classic control of Public Administration shows itself inefficient when coping with the daily episodes of mismanagement and corruption involving the State machine and, together with the crisis of the representative democracy, greater management capacity, control and political decision become urgent on the basis of society. In this sense, this study unveils the understanding that the consolidation of the democratic project in Brazil might be attained through the acceptance of the Participatory Democracy in its supplementary relationship with the instruments of representation. This work analyzes the importance of popular participation in the management and in the control of public resources, emphasizing its virtues as well as its existing limits. This paper researches on historical aspects arising from the Iberian culture, whose main political consequences derive from the assimilation of the patrimonial, clientele and authoritarian vices into the Brazilian scenery. It also analyses the current anachronism of the instruments used by the representative democracy, which is permeated by the interference of economic power, the power of the media on the voters, the weakness of political parties, and the lack of synchrony between the expectations of those represented and the performance of their representatives. For that reason, it is proven that social control is still fragile. Seeking a link between theory and practice, this dissertation pondered the (in) effectiveness of democratic control in the contemporary experience of the participatory democracy. This analysis departs from an approach to the health theme on the limits and potentialities of the work carried out by the Conselho Estadual de Saúde do Rio Grande do Sul. A practical study about social control is conducted through a critical analysis of the specific factors that may contribute to the qualification of the Brazilian democratic project, hoping to lead our country to another level of political and social development and to build a more just and egalitarian society.

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In today’s school in Sweden the assignment of community encompasses mediated values and education of democracy as well of single subject matters. What does it mean then, that teachers have a certain kind of idea of democracy, and what implications may biology have for the assignment of community? In upper secondary school there are quite many courses in biology with a national curriculum, and findings show that students of teaching perceive or think of biology as helping to promote the dual-purpose of teaching. In this study, the author of the paper has interviewed four future teachers of upper secondary school with biology as one of their main subjects. The purpose has been to identify their perceptions of democracy as well as their conceptions of the relationship between biology and democracy in education. The result is that the interviewees perceive of democracy as consistent with representative, participative and deliberative concepts of democracy. They conceive of the relationship between biology and democracy in education as to a great extent consistent with the deliberative concept of democracy. The implications are that the idea of democracy becomes more radical and consistent with the deliberative concept of democracy when subject matters of biology are part of the education. In this manner, subject matters of biology are of educational importance for the teachers´ conceptions of democracy as well for the assignment of community. / Samhällsuppdraget i skolan innebär förmedlade värden och kunskaper om både demokrati och enskilda ämnesstoff. Vad innebär det då att lärare har en viss sorts demokratiuppfattning, och vad har biologiskt ämnesstoff för betydelse för samhällsuppdraget? Biologi i gymnasieskolan har relativt många kurser med nationell kursplan och rön visar att lärarstudenter uppfattar biologiskt ämnesstoff som didaktiskt främjande för att läraruppdragets dubbla syfte. I den här studien har uppsatsförfattaren intervjuat fyra blivande gymnasielärare med biologi som inriktning för att försöka identifiera deras uppfattningar om demokrati och relationen mellan biologiskt ämnesstoff och demokrati i undervisningens praktik. Resultatet visar att intervjupersonerna uppfattar demokrati i allmänhet som överensstämmande med både representativ, participativ och deliberativ demokrati, och relationen mellan biologiskt ämnesstoff och demokrati i undervisningens praktik som i hög grad överensstämmande med den deliberativa demokratiformen. Implikationerna av detta är att demokratiuppfattningen blir radikalare och alltmer lik en deliberativ demokratiform med biologiskt ämnesstoff i undervisningens praktik. Sålunda har biologiskt ämnesstoff en didaktisk betydelse för såväl lärares demokratiuppfattning som samhällsuppdrag.

<p>In today’s school in Sweden the assignment of community encompasses mediated values and education of democracy as well of single subject matters. What does it mean then, that teachers have a certain kind of idea of democracy, and what implications may biology have for the assignment of community? In upper secondary school there are quite many courses in biology with a national curriculum, and findings show that students of teaching perceive or think of biology as helping to promote the dual-purpose of teaching. In this study, the author of the paper has interviewed four future teachers of upper secondary school with biology as one of their main subjects. The purpose has been to identify their perceptions of democracy as well as their conceptions of the relationship between biology and democracy in education. The result is that the interviewees perceive of democracy as consistent with representative, participative and deliberative concepts of democracy. They conceive of the relationship between biology and democracy in education as to a great extent consistent with the deliberative concept of democracy. The implications are that the idea of democracy becomes more radical and consistent with the deliberative concept of democracy when subject matters of biology are part of the education. In this manner, subject matters of biology are of educational importance for the teachers´ conceptions of democracy as well for the assignment of community.</p> / <p>Samhällsuppdraget i skolan innebär förmedlade värden och kunskaper om både demokrati och enskilda ämnesstoff. Vad innebär det då att lärare har en viss sorts demokratiuppfattning, och vad har biologiskt ämnesstoff för betydelse för samhällsuppdraget? Biologi i gymnasieskolan har relativt många kurser med nationell kursplan och rön visar att lärarstudenter uppfattar biologiskt ämnesstoff som didaktiskt främjande för att läraruppdragets dubbla syfte. I den här studien har uppsatsförfattaren intervjuat fyra blivande gymnasielärare med biologi som inriktning för att försöka identifiera deras uppfattningar om demokrati och relationen mellan biologiskt ämnesstoff och demokrati i undervisningens praktik. Resultatet visar att intervjupersonerna uppfattar demokrati i allmänhet som överensstämmande med både representativ, participativ och deliberativ demokrati, och relationen mellan biologiskt ämnesstoff och demokrati i undervisningens praktik som i hög grad överensstämmande med den deliberativa demokratiformen. Implikationerna av detta är att demokratiuppfattningen blir radikalare och alltmer lik en deliberativ demokratiform med biologiskt ämnesstoff i undervisningens praktik. Sålunda har biologiskt ämnesstoff en didaktisk betydelse för såväl lärares demokratiuppfattning som samhällsuppdrag.</p>

This article studies the expressions and the institutionalization of popular sovereignty in post-independent Bolivia (1825-1879) by analyzing two components of the democratic system: the subjects involved and the procedures for representation. As far as the former, the article underlines the fact that being a citizen was not limited to voting, but was also exercised by other activities connnected with work, taxation, public petitions and the use of arms. On the other hand, the study of the procedures for organizing and the carrying out of elections highlights two additional realities: first, voting had a regulatory function intended to level off competition and avoid conflicts, and secondly, the reduced number of the electoral body did not inhibit the development of political competition because political participation went beyond elections to include the use of violence and other illegal activities / Los procesos de expresión y de institucionalización de la soberanía popular en la Bolivia postindependiente (1825-1879) son estudiados en este artículo a partir del análisis de dos de los componentes del sistema democrático: los sujetos y los procedimientos representativos. Con respecto al primer punto, se subraya que ser ciudadano no se reducía a votar y que podía ejercerse tal estatus mediante otro tipo de acciones, vinculadas al trabajo, la contribución, las peticiones pú-blicas o las actividades armadas. De otro lado, el estudio de los procedimientos relativos a la implantación y el desarrollo de las elecciones remarca dos valores de los mismos: primero, el voto tuvo una función reguladora encaminada a dirimir competencias y evitar conflictos, y segundo, el tamaño reducido del cuerpo electoral no impidió el desarrollo de la competencia partidaria, ya que la participación política ligada a las elecciones tuvo otras posibilidades de acción relacionadas con la violencia y la ilegalidad

O presente estudo propõe-se a investigar o potencial de o projeto de democracia cosmopolita, tal como formulado por David Held, Anthony McGrew e Daniele Archibugi, suprir o déficit democrático das instituições representativas brasileiras decorrente dos fenômenos da globalização e do policentrismo do poder, no contexto da atual crise econômica mundial. Trata-se, pois, de se contrapor o modelo cosmopolita, de caráter transterritorial, ao modelo representativo, de base territorial. A pesquisa segue um plano analítico político-jurídico, ou seja, sua sede epistemológica é a Teoria Geral do Estado. / This study wants to investigate the potential of the project of cosmopolitan democracy, how it was formulated by David Held, Anthony McGrew and Daniele Archibugi, to supply de democratic deficit of the Brazilians institutional organizations, occurred because the phenomenon of globalization and polycentrism of power, in the context of now global economic crisis. Therefore, we will compare the cosmopolitan model, of transterritorial character, and the representative model, based on the territory. This research follows a politic-juridical plan, so, its epistemological place is the General Theory of State.

It has become popular for political scientists to discuss the transformation from government to governance and the networks’ greater influence on public policymaking. However, this debate lacks methodological, empirical and theoretical research about the relationship between governance networks and representative democracy. The main objective of this essay is to understand the relationship between governance networks and representative democracy through a case study of the governance network Leader Linné. The theoretical framework includes four analysis models about the relationship between governance networks and representative democracy that are analysed by five factors connected to representative democracy. Each model has a specific approach to the public policymaking in networks e. g. were the power lies, how the general interest is understood and the role of politicians. The essay is designed as a case study combined with interviews of participants from the network’s national, regional and local level. The result of the essay is that the relationship between the governance network and representative democracy is complemental, meaning that representative democracy makes the central decisions in society where secondary decisions are made through a combination of representative- and participate democracy introduced by Leader. In Leader Linné the general interest is formed at EU level and politicians have a managerial role.