Il est d’actualité de parler de l’engagement politique des femmes en France dans un contexte qui se voudrait paritaire. A travers leurs biographies, leurs trajectoires militantes et électives, leurs carrières ainsi que l’exercice de leurs pratiques s’inscrivant dans ce champ particulier : qu’est-ce qui détermine une femme à se professionnaliser en politique ?Ainsi, pourquoi y a-t-il encore trop peu de femmes en France à briguer des mandats électifs alors que ces dernières se montrent sensibilisées aux problèmes que connaît notre société et, ont la volonté d’apporter des modifications à l’évolution sociale, tant par le biais de leurs actions qu’à travers leurs votes pour lesquels elles se mobilisent en nommant des représentants garants d’une politique déterminée. De toute évidence, les femmes sont totalement ancrées dans la politique puisqu’elles en débattent et en font comme n’importe quel-le citoyen-ne. Leur participation aux élections en témoigne. Dans ce cas, pourquoi sont-elles aussi peu intégrées dans le système politique ? Qu’est-ce qui freine alors leur participation publique ?Pour ce faire, notre étude traitera de la socialisation et de la professionnalisation des femmes dans le champ politique si particulier où pouvoir est synonyme de virilité, à travers une comparaison genrée des carrières féminines et masculines. / It is timely to talk about the political involvement of women in France in a context that would be equally represented. Through their biographies, their paths activists and elected office, their careers and the exercise of their practices undertaken in this particular field : what determines a woman to become professional in politics ?Thus, why there are still too few women in France to run for elective office while the latter show themselves aware of the problems facing our society and are willing to make changes to social evolution, both through their actions and through their votes for which they are mobilized by appointing representatives to guarantee a given policy. Clearly, women are totally entrenched in politics as they debate the issue and make it like any other citizen. Their turnout attests. In that case, why are they so poorly integrated into the political system ? What will lock their public participation ?To do, our survey will deal with the women’s socialization and professionalization in the peculiar political universe where the power is synonymous with manliness, through a gendered comparison of the feminine and masculine careers

O presente trabalho busca examinar, em perspectiva histórica, aspectos sociopolíticos e jurídicos relacionados à formação da Administração Pública no Brasil e às suas características, notadamente no que concerne ao processo de legitimação do exercício do poder pelo aparelho burocrático e ao seu potencial controle pelos cidadãos. Argumenta-se que, se por um lado tais características revelam a resistência de um modelo associado ao legado ibérico, de outro evidenciam uma peculiar e progressiva abertura ao controle democrático, especialmente após a redemocratização e a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. Adotando o exercício do poder administrativo discricionário como categoria de análise, os aspectos inerentes ao processo de transformação daquele modelo são examinadas a partir de quatro eixos, a saber: a singular tensão entre Iberismo e Americanismo no Brasil; a renovação teórica acerca da democracia representativa e das perspectivas sobre o controle democrático; o pós-positivismo e sua potencial conexão com uma concepção responsiva do direito e, finalmente, a queda de velhos paradigmas de legitimação do exercício do poder discricionário estatal, em âmbito mundial, a partir dos anos 1980, o que teria dado ensejo ao crescimento e fortalecimento de um escrutínio pragmático e consequencialista das decisões discricionárias da administração pública também no Brasil. / This work intents to analyze, in a historical perspective, some sociopolitical and juridical traits of the Brazilian public administration formation and its associated characteristics, particularly those related to the legitimization process of the bureaucratic power exercise and its accountability by citizens. We shall argue that, if at the one side those characteristics testify the resilience of an original bureaucratic model, by the other they open some ways to a peculiar and progressive democratic accountability, specifically after the return of the democracy and the few years later adoption of a new Constitution in 1988. Taking the discretionary power as an analytical frame, the main traits related to the progressive transformation of the Iberian original administrative model are here analyzed under four major axes: the peculiar tension between Iberism and Americanism along Brazilian history; the theoretical renovation of the representative democracy and of the perspectives over democratic accountability; the post-positivism and its links with the transition toward responsive law and, finally, the fall down of the old paradigms that used to legitimate the exercise of discretionary powers, all over the occidental world, until the early 1980s, what brought and made grow up new promising kinds of pragmatic and democratic scrutiny over some States traditionally discretionary decisions in Brazil.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Representative democracy is undergoing a period of transformation, because while it is the political system of government adopted in most countries, has been the subject of much critique. There is a perception of a gap between citizens and representatives, deviations of public funds and corruption, situations that refer to the six broken promises of democracy brought by Norberto Bobbio. In order to change this scenario, the Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), particularly the Internet, appear as a new element that can attract public participation around government affairs. This is the construction of cyberdemocracy that, however, shares opinions of authors and researchers of the transformer potential of internet. In this scenario, there is the e-Democracy Website, linked to the Chamber of Deputies, that incites the popular participation to contribute in the forums, chats and wikilegis with the law projects pending in the Legislature or to suggest new projects. This research aims to analyze the manifestations of a specific Community Legislative of this Portal related to the Civil Rights Framework for the Internet in order to address an overview of popular participation in law projects online in Brazil. The research problem concerns the conditions for mass demonstrations on the internet and the effectiveness of such propositions, to check whether they are obeyed and considered by deputies when the deliberation of the projects in plenary. It is employed the hypothetical-deductive method of approach, formulating two main hypotheses. The first is the sense that the use of the internet is the most appropriate way to strengthen representative democracy. The second refers to the digital divide as the greatest obstacle to that popular online participation. Among the variables, there are the access rates to computers and the internet, public interest in accessing government portals and if the popular participation in the Portal is effectively considered by deputies. Are used the monographic and comparative methods of procedure and, as a research technique are used direct, systematic and non-participant observation of e-Democracy Website and Digital Culture blog, considering that the construction of the draft bill of the Civil Rights Framework for the Internet also occurred collaboratively. The conclusion is that the scenery around the popular online participation in law projects is still in the beginning, with a minority of the demonstrations was considered in the adoption of law projects, showing that the spaces have as main feature the spread of the subject and the promotion of debates among citizens themselves. / A democracia representativa atravessa um período de transformações, pois ao mesmo tempo em que é o regime político de governo adotado na generalidade de países, vem sendo objeto de muitas críticas. Há a percepção de afastamento entre cidadãos e representantes, de desvios de verbas públicas e de corrupção, situações que remetem às seis promessas não-cumpridas da democracia trazidas por Norberto Bobbio. Com a finalidade de alterar esse cenário, as Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação (TIC), em especial a internet, surgem como um novo elemento que pode contribuir para atrair a participação popular em torno de assuntos governamentais. Trata-se da construção da ciberdemocracia que, no entanto, divide autores e pesquisadores acerca desse potencial transformador da internet. Em meio a esse cenário, vislumbra-se no Portal e-Democracia, vinculado à Câmara dos Deputados, a incitação à população para que, dentre os fóruns, bate-papos e wikilegis contribua com projetos de lei em trâmite na Casa Legislativa ou sugira novos projetos. A presente pesquisa objetiva analisar as manifestações de uma Comunidade Legislativa específica do referido Portal referente ao Marco Civil da Internet , com a finalidade de abordar um panorama geral da participação popular online em projetos de lei no Brasil. O problema de pesquisa refere-se às condições para a manifestação popular na internet e à efetividade de tais proposições, objetivando verificar se as mesmas são acatadas e consideradas pelos deputados federais quando da deliberação dos projetos em plenário. É empregado o método de abordagem hipotético-dedutivo, formulando-se duas hipóteses principais, sendo a primeira no sentido de que a utilização da internet é o caminho mais indicado para o fortalecimento da democracia representativa. A segunda refere-se à inclusão digital como o maior entrave a essa participação popular online. Dentre as variáveis, há os índices de acesso ao computador e à internet, o interesse da população em acessar portais governamentais e se as manifestações esboçadas no Portal são, efetivamente, consideradas pelos deputados federais. São utilizados os métodos de procedimento monográfico e comparativo e, como técnica de pesquisa, a observação direta, sistemática e não participante do Portal e-Democracia e do blog Cultura Digital, tendo em vista que a construção do anteprojeto de lei do Marco Civil da Internet também ocorreu de forma colaborativa. Conclui-se que ainda é incipiente o cenário em torno da participação popular online em projetos de lei, sendo que uma minoria das manifestações foi considerada na aprovação do referido Projeto de Lei, denotando que os espaços possuem como principal característica a difusão do tema e a promoção de debates entre os próprios cidadãos.

O presente trabalho busca examinar, em perspectiva histórica, aspectos sociopolíticos e jurídicos relacionados à formação da Administração Pública no Brasil e às suas características, notadamente no que concerne ao processo de legitimação do exercício do poder pelo aparelho burocrático e ao seu potencial controle pelos cidadãos. Argumenta-se que, se por um lado tais características revelam a resistência de um modelo associado ao legado ibérico, de outro evidenciam uma peculiar e progressiva abertura ao controle democrático, especialmente após a redemocratização e a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988. Adotando o exercício do poder administrativo discricionário como categoria de análise, os aspectos inerentes ao processo de transformação daquele modelo são examinadas a partir de quatro eixos, a saber: a singular tensão entre Iberismo e Americanismo no Brasil; a renovação teórica acerca da democracia representativa e das perspectivas sobre o controle democrático; o pós-positivismo e sua potencial conexão com uma concepção responsiva do direito e, finalmente, a queda de velhos paradigmas de legitimação do exercício do poder discricionário estatal, em âmbito mundial, a partir dos anos 1980, o que teria dado ensejo ao crescimento e fortalecimento de um escrutínio pragmático e consequencialista das decisões discricionárias da administração pública também no Brasil. / This work intents to analyze, in a historical perspective, some sociopolitical and juridical traits of the Brazilian public administration formation and its associated characteristics, particularly those related to the legitimization process of the bureaucratic power exercise and its accountability by citizens. We shall argue that, if at the one side those characteristics testify the resilience of an original bureaucratic model, by the other they open some ways to a peculiar and progressive democratic accountability, specifically after the return of the democracy and the few years later adoption of a new Constitution in 1988. Taking the discretionary power as an analytical frame, the main traits related to the progressive transformation of the Iberian original administrative model are here analyzed under four major axes: the peculiar tension between Iberism and Americanism along Brazilian history; the theoretical renovation of the representative democracy and of the perspectives over democratic accountability; the post-positivism and its links with the transition toward responsive law and, finally, the fall down of the old paradigms that used to legitimate the exercise of discretionary powers, all over the occidental world, until the early 1980s, what brought and made grow up new promising kinds of pragmatic and democratic scrutiny over some States traditionally discretionary decisions in Brazil.

Submitted by Fernanda Montenegro Calado (fernandacalado@hotmail.com) on 2012-10-24T02:52:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_FernandaMCalado.PDF: 1386107 bytes, checksum: ae128e1a91925c5d8d6dfacfc98647bb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2012-10-29T15:44:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_FernandaMCalado.PDF: 1386107 bytes, checksum: ae128e1a91925c5d8d6dfacfc98647bb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-10-30T18:49:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_FernandaMCalado.PDF: 1386107 bytes, checksum: ae128e1a91925c5d8d6dfacfc98647bb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-30T18:53:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_FernandaMCalado.PDF: 1386107 bytes, checksum: ae128e1a91925c5d8d6dfacfc98647bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-04 / O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar como conselheiros municipais e vereadores do Recife reconhecem o direito à participação na gestão pública e o direito à representação eleitoral e às funções daí decorrentes. Deste modo, podem-se observar os impactos ocasionados pela instância de participação em uma instituição tradicional de representação política, de modo a aperfeiçoar o modelo de Gestão Social. A análise foi realizada à luz da teoria do reconhecimento, especificamente as ideias de Axel Honneth. Para tanto, foram aplicados questionários e realizadas entrevistas com conselheiros e vereadores do Município, assim como foram analisados documentos da Câmara. Observou-se que ambos os grupos mostram-se favoráveis ao diálogo entre as instâncias, apesar dos conflitos que ainda precisam ser vencidos. Vereadores têm assento nos conselhos, apesar de que a participação não acontece na prática. Concluiu-se que o reconhecimento não ocorre em sua integralidade, sendo uma luta em construção. / The purpose of this research was to analyze how members of municipal popular councils and municipal legislators from the city of Recife recognize the right that society has to participation in public administration and the right that legislators have to electoral representation. In this way, we can observe impacts caused by councils on a traditional political institution, in order to improve the model of Social Management. The analysis was based on recognition theory, particularly on the ideas of Axel Honneth. In order to achieve goals, questionnaires were administered, interviews were made and documents from Legislative Chamber were analyzed. It was observed that both groups have favorable opinion of the dialogue between authorities, despite conflicts that still must be overcome. Councils reserve seats to legislators, although participation does not occur in practice. We concluded that recognition does not occur entirely, it is an ongoing struggle.

À partir d’une étude systématique du droit positif des seize Länder de la République Fédérale d’Allemagne, il s’agit de montrer que l’initiative populaire ne relève pas de la démocratie dite directe ou immédiate. Contrairement à la conception communément admise, cette institution démocratique qui permet à un nombre limité de citoyens non élus de participer à l’élaboration de la loi et au contrôle des organes de l’État, s’inscrit bien dans la démocratie médiate. Par l’élaboration d’une typologie des procédures d’initiative populaire en Allemagne, il est alors possible de remettre en question la conception classique tendant à identifier l’initiative populaire au « référendum d’initiative populaire ». Cette approche est en effet réductrice, car elle ne permet pas de rendre compte de la coexistence et de la spécificité des deux types d’initiative populaire mis au jour : l’initiative populaire décisionnelle – qui peut conduire à un référendum, si le Parlement du Land n’adopte pas la demande formulée par les citoyens – et l’initiative populaire propositive – une procédure à vocation non référendaire. Pour démontrer que l’initiative populaire relève de la démocratie médiate, le recours au concept de potentiel populaire permet d’une part de souligner la spécificité théorique de l’initiative populaire par rapport au référendum qui renvoie classiquement à la notion de puissance populaire. D’autre part, cette idée de potentiel populaire permet de redonner à l’initiative populaire une unité conceptuelle, au-delà de la variété des procédures et des types d’initiative populaire, identifiés par l’analyse des droits positifs des seize États fédérés allemands. La proposition de définition du potentiel populaire combine enfin les deux éléments de définition de la démocratie médiate : tout d’abord, le potentiel populaire peut être défini comme l’ensemble des limites juridiques constitutives de l’initiative populaire, ce qui renvoie à l’idée de démocratie représentée, mise en forme et donc nécessairement limitée par le droit qui constitue dès lors le medium de la participation démocratique ; ensuite, ces limites constitutives permettent à la minorité populaire de représenter une possible volonté générale, ce qui permet de justifier la conception de l’initiative populaire, medium d’une volonté générale potentielle, comme institution de la démocratie représentative / Offering a systematic study of positive law in all sixteen Länder of the Federal Republic of Germany, this thesis intends to show that popular initiative does not partake of direct, or immediate, democracy. Contrary to what is commonly thought, this democratic institution, which allows a limited number of non-elected citizens to participate in the elaboration of the law and in the controlling of State organs, does belong squarely in the realm of mediated democracy. By establishing a typology of the different procedures of popular initiative in Germany, one may therefore question the classical conception, which tends to identify the popular initiative with a “referendum by popular initiative.” Such an approach is indeed reductive since it cannot account for the coexistence and the respective singularities of two kinds of popular initiatives: the decision-making popular initiative – which can lead to a referendum if the Parliament of the Land does not grant the citizens’ demand – and the propositive popular initiative – which is not meant to lead to a referendum. In order to demonstrate that popular initiative partakes of a mediated democracy, this thesis resorts to the concept of popular potential, which allows first to underline the theoretical specificity of the popular initiative compared to the referendum, which classically relies on the notion of popular power. Second, with the idea of popular potential, popular initiative can once again be conceived of as a unified concept, beyond the variety of existing procedures and the different kinds of popular initiative in the sixteen federated States of Germany. Finally, the proposed definition of the popular potential combines the two defining elements of mediated democracy: first, popular potential can be defined as the set of legal limits that are constitutive of the popular initiative, which harks back to the idea of a represented and formalized democracy, thus necessarily limited by the law which therefore constitutes the medium for democratic participation; and second, these constitutive limits may allow the popular minority to represent possible the general will, which justifies to conceive of popular initiative, the medium of a potential general will, as one of the institutions of representative democracy

The primary purpose of this thesis is to study how political agents construct and give meaning to the concepts of democracy, representative democracy and referendums. The starting point of the thesis is the pressing issue whether or not Sweden should hold a referendum on the new EU constitution. To analyze this question my choice of method is critical discourse analysis and the topical theories revolve around democracy and responsibility. My study shows that there are three different discourses in this debate: “the democratic process”, “the representative democracy” and “the concept of democracy”. However, the meaning of the concepts in these discourses varies depending on which side the political agents are on. It is obvious that the concepts are not fixated and that they are used as catchphrases to define ideological motives. In addition, the concepts are used differently to enhance certain values in a democracy. The result of this study shows the paradox and conflicting values that are associated with the concepts. This means that the notion of democracy changes depending on what the agents want to perceive. The political agents who do not support a referendum often refer to what a representative democracy symbolizes. Agents who support a referendum consider the democratic process as an incentive for a democratic ideal. In this context, the discourse of democracy does not arise from a primary level but rather a secondary. This implies that the criteria for a liberal democracy are fulfilled and the debate revolves around abstract values.

Abstract In the beginning of 2007 the Swedish municipality Örebro decided to have a democratic experiment, which ought to go under the name, “Dialouge for the citizens”. The representative elected politicians in Örebro tried to find ways to involve the people in the process of ruling. Why they choose to try this experiment on this very delicate matter, the closure of several schools in the municipal, is one of the questions this essay is trying to answer. The purpose of this essay is to find out whether the process was an attempt for the politicians of the representative democracy to implement deliberative democracy in the structure of the local governance. The result of this study is that the politicians didn’t manage to reach to the citizens the way they formerly had planned.

Delegative democracy is a new concept of democratic governance. It is meant as a new system of trust among people. It is derived from principles of direct democracy and presents only minimal form of representation. The voter is not forced to cast his vote directly, but it can be transferred to a delegate. Delegative democracy is based on openness, awareness and trust. It is still only a concept and for real application it has to face rising critics. Main issues are high costs, threat of populism and corruption and overall complexity. Agent-based modelling is chosen to test the validity of delelagative democracy principles. It is suitable for studying social phenomena such as democratic governance. Agent-based models apply a "new kind" of artificial intelligence -- a dynamic system composed of individual and autonomous units -- agents -- which interact within the environment. Universal methodology called Agentology is used to propose a new agent-based model. This methodology is composed of subsequent steps. These steps cover initial analysis, conceptual and technological proposal and development of the model itself. Assessment of delegative democracy principles is achieved with data acquired from the agent-based model. Delegative democracy is less effective for small and cooperative system than direct democracy. If more voters are delegating, this effectiveness decreases even more. This conclusion is based on initial parameters of the model. Delegating voters count is indeed a relevant parameter whereas total voters count is not. The model has its basic predicative value and is open to further elaboration.

This paper analyzes the relationship between citizenship, civil society and nation state. It argues that citizenship is often viewed only in relation to the state and its active potential - arising from public activities mediated through communication media and civil society institutions - is neglected. As a result increasing number of permanent resident immigrants is in a long run denied full political rights which in turn endangers representative potential of liberal democracies. In the Czech Republic this situation concerns Vietnamese immigrant children who, though fully integrated into the Czech society and able to actively participate in public space, i.e. able to use the active citizenship element, usually do not enjoy Czech citizenship status (passive citizenship) and therefore they are not represented in public administration bodies. Current system of granting of Czech citizenship endangers representative character of our democracy and at the same time does not utilize the potential of young active people living in our territory for a long time.